BELL’S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS
Scope of the Series and Arrangement of Volumes
1. Roman Britain to 449. 2. 449-1066. 3. 1066-1154. 4. 1154-1216. 5. 1216-1307. 6. 1307-1399. 7. 1399-1485. 8. 1485-1547. 9. 1547-1603. In Active Preparation. 10. 1603-1660. ” ” 11. 1660-1714. ” ” 12. 1714-1760. ” ” 13. 1760-1801. Now Ready. 14. 1801-1815. 15. 1815-1837. 16. 1837-1856. 17. 1856-1876. 18. 1876-1887. 19. 1887-1901. 20. 1901-1912. The volumes are issued in Crown 8vo. Price 1s. net each.
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
AND THE
FRENCH REVOLUTION
(1760-1801)
COMPILED BY
S. E. WINBOLT, M.A.
(CHRIST’S HOSPITAL)
This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable—nay, an indispensable—adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a History of England for Schools, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.
Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.
In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain “stock” documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style—that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan—and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.
The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.
We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.
S. E. WINBOLT.
KENNETH BELL.
The difficulty which an editor of period 1760-1801 has to face is the wealth of contemporary sources available. I have drawn largely, as will be seen, on the series of Home Office Papers in the Calendar of State Papers, the series of the Acts of the Privy Council, the Gentleman’s Magazine, and Annual Register. I trust that the foreign relations of England are proportionately represented, though want of space has been against the inclusion of much that naturally suggests itself. In spite of defects, my hope is that teachers and pupils in public schools and universities will find these pages useful.
S. E. W.
Christ’s Hospital,
April, 1912.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE Introduction v 1761. British Victories—Mr. Burke Horace Walpole 1 1761. Honours for Mr. Pitt Correspondence of Chatham 2 1766. The State of the Prisons Goldsmith 7 1767. Townshend’s Contumacy Correspondence of Chatham: Shelburne and Burke 10 1768. Wilkes Riots Home Office Papers 13 1768. Riots in the North Home Office Papers 14 1769. Petition to George III. Letters of Junius 15 1770. City of London and Chatham: Parliamentary Reform Letters of Junius 20 1770. Comments on Parliamentary Events Letters of Junius 22 1771. Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, Governor of Massachusetts Bay Home Office Papers 23 1771. Advice to Parliamentary Reformers Letters of Junius 30 1772. Distress caused by High Prices Home Office Papers 37 1773. Weavers’ Petition to George III. Home Office Papers 38 1773. Destruction of Tea at Boston Home Office Papers 43 1774. War Material for America Home Office Papers 46 1775. American Expedition to Canada Home Office Papers 48 1775. Conciliation with America Burke 51 1777. The Armies under Howe and Clinton “Gentleman’s Magazine” 54 1778. Chatham’s Last Letter and Speech Correspondence of Chatham and “London Magazine” 62 1779. George III.’s Message to the Houses and the Spanish Manifesto “Gentleman’s Magazine” 65 1779. Society at Brighthelmston J. A. Erredge 69 1780. Gordon Riots Horace Walpole 71 1781. Surrender of Cornwallis “Gentleman’s Magazine” 72 1783. Preliminaries of European Peace “Gentleman’s Magazine” 73 1784. A Violent Election Contest Cowper’s “Letters” 76 1785. The Country Post Cowper’s “Task” 77 1787. George III.’s Speech to the Houses of Parliament “Annual Register” 79 1788. Characteristics of the East India Company Burke 80 1789. Corn Imports and Exports “Annual Register” 84 1790. Spoliation of the Clergy in France Burke 85 1792. Sussex Election Petitions Oldfield 90 1792. France and Self-Government Cowper’s “Letters” 93 1794. Impeachment of Warren Hastings Burke 94 1795. George III, Mobbed Letters of Princess Elizabeth 97 1797. Mutiny at the Nore “Annual Register” 98 1797. England and the Directory Correspondence of Malmesbury 103 1798. Battle of the Nile “Annual Register” 106 1800. Supplies for Navy and Army “Annual Register” 115 1801. George III.’s Speech to the First Union Parliament “Annual Register” 119
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
AND THE
FRENCH REVOLUTION
(1760-1801)
BRITISH VICTORIES—“A YOUNG MR. BURKE” (1761).
Source.—Letters of Horace Walpole. Edited by P. Cunningham London: Bentley. Vol. iii., pp. 419-421. 1891.
To George Montagu, Esq., Strawberry Hill, July 22, 1761.
For my part, I believe Mademoiselle Scuderi drew the plan of this year. It is all royal marriages, coronations and victories; they come tumbling so over one another from distant parts of the globe, that it looks just like the handy-work of a lady romance writer, whom it costs nothing but a little false geography to make the great Mogul in love with a princess of ——, and defeat two marshals of France as he rides post on an elephant to his nuptials. I don’t know where I am. I had scarce found Mecklenburgh Strelitz with a magnifying glass, before I am whisked to Pondicherri—well, I take it, and raze it. I begin to grow acquainted with Colonel Coote, and to figure him packing up chests of diamonds, and sending them to his wife against the King’s wedding—thunder go the Tower guns, and behold Broglio and Soubise are totally defeated; if the mob have not much stronger heads and quicker conceptions than I have, they will conclude my lord Granby is become nabob. How the deuce in two days can one digest all this? Why is not Pondicherri in Westphalia? I don’t know how the Romans did, but I cannot support two victories every week. Well, but you will want to know the particulars. Broglio and Soubise, united, attacked our army on the fifteenth, but were repulsed; the next day, the prince Mahomet Alli Cawn—no, no, I mean prince Ferdinand, returned the attack, and the French threw down their arms, and fled, run over my lord Harcourt, who was going to fetch the new queen; in short, I don’t know how it was, but Mr. Conway is safe, and I am as happy as Mr. Pitt himself. We have only lost a lieutenant-colonel Keith; colonel Marlay and Harry Townshend are wounded.... I dined with your secretary yesterday; there were Garrick and a young Mr. Burke, who wrote a book in the style of lord Bolingbroke, that was much admired. He is a sensible man, but has not worn off his authorism yet, and thinks there is nothing so charming as writers, and to be one. He will know better one of these days. I like Hamilton’s little Marly; we walked in the great allée, and drank tea in the arbour of treillage; they talked of Shakspeare and Booth, of Swift and my lord Bath, and I was thinking of Madame Sévigné. Good night! I have a dozen other letters to write; I must tell my friends how happy I am—not as an Englishman, but as a cousin.
Yours ever.
HONOURS FOR MR. PITT (1761).
Source.—Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. Vol. ii., pp. 146 et seq. London, 1838-1840.
The Earl of Bute to Mr. Pitt, October 6, 1761.
Sir,
I take up the pen with more than ordinary desire to succeed in the business I am, by the King’s command, to write to you upon. I earnestly wished to have carried to his Majesty some little opening of your mind; something that might have pointed towards that mark of his royal favour he seems impatient to bestow upon you.1
As that was not in my power, the King has desired me to mention two ideas; wishing to have the one most agreeable to you carried into immediate execution: but, if neither should be suitable to your inclinations, it is hoped that you will not be averse to give his Majesty a little insight into your own thoughts upon this subject. The government of the province of Canada, with a salary of five thousand pounds, seemed to strike the King most; and that for two reasons: the first, as you would preside over a province acquired by your own ability and firmness; secondly, as it would convey to all the world his Majesty’s intentions of never parting with that great and important conquest. The objection of its not being tenable with a seat in parliament is foreseen; but a short bill might remedy that in this new case; in the preamble of which the King’s reasons for this appointment would be set forth. If, however, this should not strike you in the same light it does his Majesty, the next thing I am ordered to mention is the chancellor of the duchy, with the salary annexed to it as before mentioned.
You will please, Sir, to consider these as proofs of the King’s earnest desire to show this country the high opinion he has of your merit. If they do not entirely please, impute it to the want of information I before hinted at; and do me the justice to believe, that I never shall execute any commission with more pleasure than I have done this.
I am, Sir, with the highest regard,
Your most obedient humble servant,
Bute.2
Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bute, October 7, 1761.
[From a rough draught in Mr. Pitt’s handwriting.]
My Lord,
Overwhelmed with the extent of his Majesty’s gracious goodness towards me, I desire the favour of your Lordship to lay me at the royal feet, with the humble tribute of the most unfeigned and respectful gratitude. Penetrated with the bounteous favour of a most benign sovereign and master, I am confounded with his condescension in deigning to bestow one thought about any inclination of his servant, with regard to the modes of extending to me marks of his royal beneficence.
Any public mark of his Majesty’s approbation, flowing from such a spontaneous source of clemency, will be my comfort and my glory; and I cannot but be highly sensible of all those circumstances, so peculiarly honourable, which, attending the first of the two ideas suggested to me by his Majesty’s direction, have been mentioned. Commanded, however, as I am by the King, in a manner so infinitely gracious, not to suppress my thoughts on a subject of this extreme delicacy, I trust it will be judged obedience, not presumption, if I express the doubts I have as to the propriety of my going into either of the offices mentioned, or indeed, considering that which I have resigned, going again into any whatever.
Thus much in general I have presumed, not without pain and fear, to submit to his Majesty’s consideration; too proud to receive any mark of the King’s countenance and favour, but above all doubly happy could I see those dearer to me than myself comprehended in that monument of royal approbation and goodness, with which his Majesty shall condescend to distinguish me.
I cannot conclude this letter, already much too long, without expressing my warm thanks to your Lordship for the most obliging manner in which you have conveyed to me his Majesty’s gracious intentions, and assuring your Lordship, that I shall always set a high value on the favourable sentiments which you are pleased to express on my subject. I have the honour to be, with great truth and respect,
Yours, &c.
W. Pitt.
The Earl of Bute to Mr. Pitt, October 8, 1761.
Sir,
I laid the contents of your letter before his Majesty; who was graciously pleased to admit of the reasons you gave for not accepting office, and to approve of the respectful openings some part of the letter afforded.
Having received the King’s commands to consider of the most becoming method of carrying his intentions into execution, I have lost no time in my researches. The English civil list would by no means answer; the Irish had objections: one only thing remained, that could possibly serve the King’s generous purpose. This his Majesty approves of, and has directed me accordingly to acquaint you, that as you declined accepting any office, his Majesty will confer the dignity of peerage on Lady Hester Pitt, to descend through her ladyship to your sons, with a grant of three thousand pounds per annum, on the plantation duties, to yourself and any two other lives you shall name. These unusual marks of the royal approbation cannot fail to be agreeable to a mind like yours. Permit me to assure you, that the communicating of them gives me the greatest pleasure.
I am, Sir, with unfeigned regard, Your most obedient humble servant, Bute.
Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Bute, October 8, 1761.
[From a draught in Mr. Pitt’s handwriting.]
I have not words to express the sentiments of veneration and gratitude with which I receive the unbounded effects of beneficence and grace, which the most benign of sovereigns has condescended to bestow on me, and on those most dear to me.
Your Lordship will not wonder if the sensations which possess my whole breast refuse me the power of describing their extent, and leave me only to beg your Lordship will be so good as to lay me and Lady Hester at the King’s feet, and to offer for us to his Majesty the genuine tribute of the truly feeling heart; which I will dare to hope, the same royal benevolence which showers on the unmeritorious such unlimited benefits may deign to accept with equal condescension and goodness.
I am, &c.
W. Pitt.
THE STATE OF THE PRISONS.
Source.—Goldsmith’s Vicar of Wakefield (Chap. XXVII.).
The next morning I communicated to my wife and children the scheme I had planned of reforming the prisoners, which they received with universal disapprobation, alleging the impossibility and impropriety of it; adding that my endeavours would no way contribute to their amendment, but might probably disgrace my calling.
“Excuse me,” returned I, “these people, however fallen, are still men; and that is a very good title to my affections. Good counsel rejected returns to enrich the giver’s bosom; and though the instruction I communicate may not mend them, yet it will assuredly mend myself. If these wretches, my children, were princes, there would be thousands ready to offer their ministry; but in my opinion the heart that is buried in a dungeon is as precious as that seated upon a throne. Yes, my treasures, if I can mend them I will; perhaps they will not all despise me; perhaps I may catch up even one from the gulf, and there will be great gain; for is there upon earth a gem so precious as the human soul?”
Thus saying, I left them and descended to the common prison, where I found the prisoners very merry, expecting my arrival; and each prepared with some gaol-trick to play upon the doctor. Thus, as I was going to begin, one turned my wig awry; as if by accident, and then asked my pardon. A second, who stood at some distance, had a knack of spitting through his teeth, which fell in showers upon my book. A third would cry, “Amen!” in such an affected tone as gave the rest great delight. A fourth had slily picked my pocket of my spectacles. But there was one whose trick gave more universal pleasure than all the rest; for observing the manner in which I had disposed my books on the table before me, he very dexterously displaced one of them, and put an obscene jest-book of his own in the place. However, I took no notice of all that this mischievous group of little beings could do, but went on, perfectly sensible that what was ridiculous in my attempt would excite mirth only the first or second time, while what was serious would be permanent. My design succeeded, and in less than six days some were penitent, and all attentive.
It was now that I applauded my perseverance and address, at thus giving sensibility to wretches divested of every moral feeling, and now began to think of doing them temporal service also, by rendering their situation somewhat more comfortable. Their time had hitherto been divided between famine and excess, tumultuous riot and bitter repining. Their only employment was quarrelling among each other, playing at cribbage, and cutting tobacco-stoppers. From this last mode of idle industry I took the hint of setting such as chose to work at cutting pegs for tobacconists and shoemakers, the proper wood being bought by a general subscription, and, when manufactured, sold by my appointment; so that each earned something every day—a trifle, indeed, but sufficient to maintain him.
I did not stop here, but instituted fines for the punishment of immorality, and rewards for peculiar industry. Thus in less than a fortnight I had formed them into something social and humane, and had the pleasure of regarding myself as a legislator, who had brought men from their native ferocity into friendship and obedience.
And it were highly to be wished that legislative power would thus direct the law rather to reformation than to severity; that it would seem convinced that the work of eradicating crimes is not by making punishments familiar, but formidable. Then, instead of our present prisons, which find or make men guilty, which enclose wretches for the commission of one crime, and return them, if returned alive, fitted for the perpetration of thousands, we should see, as in other parts of Europe, places of penitence and solitude, where the accused might be attended by such as could give them repentance if guilty, or new motives to virtue if innocent. And this, but not the increasing punishments, is the way to mend a State: nor can I avoid even questioning the validity of that right which social combinations have assumed of capitally punishing offences of a slight nature. In cases of murder, their right is obvious, as it is the duty of us all, from the law of self-defence, to cut off that man who has shown a disregard for the life of another. Against such all nature rises in arms, but it is not so against him who steals my property. Natural law gives me no right to take away his life, as by that the horse he steals is as much his property as mine. If, then, I have any right, it must be from a compact made between us, that he who deprives the other of his horse shall die. But this is a false compact; because no man has a right to barter his life, any more than to take it away, as it is not his own. And, besides, the compact is inadequate, and would be set aside even in a court of modern equity, as there is a great penalty for a very trifling inconvenience, since it is far better that two men should live than that one man should ride. But a compact that is false between two men is equally so between a hundred and a hundred thousand; for as ten millions of circles can never make a square, so the united voice of myriads cannot lend the smallest foundation to falsehood. It is thus that reason speaks, and untutored nature says the same thing. Savages that are directed by natural law alone are very tender of the lives of each other; they seldom shed blood but to retaliate former cruelty.
Our Saxon ancestors, fierce as they were in war, had but few executions in times of peace; and in all commencing governments, that have the print of nature still strong upon them, scarcely any crime is held capital.
It is among the citizens of a refined community that penal laws, which are in the hands of the rich, are laid upon the poor. Government, while it grows older, seems to acquire the moroseness of age; and as if our property were become dearer in proportion as it increased—as if the more enormous our wealth, the more extensive our fears—all our possessions are paled up with new edicts every day, and hung round with gibbets to scare every invader.
I cannot tell whether it is from the number of our penal laws, or the licentiousness of our people, that this country should show more convicts in a year than half the dominions of Europe united. Perhaps it is owing to both; for they mutually produce each other. When by indiscriminate penal laws a nation beholds the same punishment affixed to dissimilar degrees of guilt, from perceiving no distinction in the penalty, the people are led to lose all sense of distinction in the crime; and this distinction is the bulwark of all morality: thus the multitude of laws produce new vices, and new vices call for fresh restraints.
It were to be wished, then, that power, instead of contriving new laws to punish vice, instead of drawing hard the cords of society till a convulsion come to burst them, instead of cutting away wretches as useless before we have tried their utility, instead of converting correction into vengeance; it were to be wished that we tried the restrictive arts of government, and made law the protector, but not the tyrant, of the people. We should then find that creatures, whose souls are held as dross, only wanted the hand of a refiner; we should then find that wretches, now stuck up for long tortures, lest luxury should feel a momentary pang, might, if properly treated, serve to sinew the State in times of danger; that as their faces are like ours, their hearts are so too; that few minds are so base as that perseverance cannot amend; that a man may see his last crime without dying for it; and that very little blood will serve to cement our security.
TOWNSHEND’S CONTUMACY (1767).
Source.—Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. Vol. iii., pp. 233 et seq. London, 1838-1840.