A TRAIN IN WINTER

 

Preface

On 5 January 1942, a French police inspector named Rondeaux, stationed in the 10th arrondissement of Paris, caught sight of a man he believed to be a wanted member of the French Resistance. André Pican was a teacher, and he was indeed the head of the Front National of the Resistance in the Seine-Inférieure; there was a price of 30,000 francs on his head for the derailing of a train carrying requisitioned goods and war materiel to Germany.

Rondeaux’s superior, a zealous anti-communist Frenchman and active collaborator of the Gestapo called Lucien Rottée, thought that Pican might lead them to other members of the Resistance. Eleven inspectors were detailed to follow, but not to arrest, him.

Over the next two weeks¹, they searched the streets of Paris in vain. Then, on 21 January, an inspector carrying out a surveillance of the Café du Rond-Point near the Porte d’Orléans thought he saw a man answering to Pican’s description. He followed him and watched as he stopped to talk to a thickset man in his thirties, with a bony face and a large moustache. Rottée’s men stayed close. On 11 February, Pican was seen standing outside a shop window, then, at ‘15.50’ entering a shop in the company of a woman ‘28–30 years of age, 1.70m high, slender, with brown hair curling at the ends’; she was wearing a ‘Prussian blue coat, with a black belt and light grey woollen stockings, sans élégance’. The policeman, not knowing who she was, christened her ‘Femme Buisson-St-Louis’ after a nearby métro station; Pican became ‘Buisson’. After watching a film in Le Palais des Glaces cinema, Pican and Femme Buisson were seen to buy biscuits and oysters before parting on the rue Saint-Maur.

In the following days, Pican met ‘Motte Piquet’, ‘Porte Souleau’ and ‘Femme No. 1 de Balard’. Not knowing who they were, the police officers gave them the names of the places where they were first seen.

On 12 February, Femme Buisson was seen to enter the Café au Balcon, where she was handed a small suitcase by ‘Merilmontant’ – a short woman in her mid-thirties, ‘c. 1.55m, dark brown hair in a net, black coat, chic fauve leather bag, red belt’. By now, Pican had also met and exchanged packets with ‘Femme Brunet St Lazare’ (‘34, 1.60m, very dark, pointed nose, beige coat, hood lined in a patterned red, yellow and green material’), and with ‘Femme Claude Tillier’ (‘1.65m, 33, dark, somewhat corpulent, bulky cardigan and woollen socks’). ‘Femme Vincennes’ (‘1.60m, 32, fair hair, glasses, brown sheepskin fur coat, beige wool stockings’) was seen talking to ‘Femme Jenna’ and ‘Femme Dorian’. One of the French police officers, Inspector Deprez, was particularly meticulous in his descriptions of the women he followed, noting on the buff rectangular report cards which each inspector filled out every evening that ‘Femme République’ had a small red mark on her right nostril and that her grey dress was made of angora wool.

By the middle of February, Pican and his contacts had become visibly nervous, constantly looking over their shoulders to see if they were being followed. Rottée began to fear that they might be planning to flee. The police inspectors themselves had also become uneasy, for by the spring of 1942 Paris was full of posters put up by the Resistance saying that the French police were no better than the German Gestapo, and should be shot in legitimate self-defence. On 14 February, Pican and Femme Brunet were seen buying tickets at the Gare Montparnasse for a train the following morning to Le Mans, and then arranging for three large suitcases to travel with them in the goods wagon. Rottée decided that the moment had come to move. At three o’clock on the morning of 15 February, sixty police inspectors set out across Paris to make their arrests.

Over the next forty-eight hours they banged on doors, forced their way into houses, shops, offices and storerooms, searched cellars and attics, pigsties and garden sheds, larders and cupboards. They came away with notebooks, addresses, false IDs, explosives, revolvers, tracts, expertly forged ration books and birth certificates, typewriters, blueprints for attacks on trains and dozens of torn postcards, train timetables and tickets, the missing halves destined to act as passwords when matched with those held by people whose names were in the notebooks. When Pican was picked up, he tried to swallow a piece of paper with a list of names; in his shoes were found addresses, an anti-German flyer and 5,000 francs. Others, when confronted by Rottée’s men, shouted for help, struggled, and tried to run off; two women bit the inspectors.

As the days passed, each arrest led to others. The police picked up journalists and university lecturers, farmers and shopkeepers, concierges and electricians, chemists and postmen and teachers and secretaries. From Paris, the net widened, to take in Cherbourg, Tours, Nantes, Evreux, Saintes, Poitiers, Ruffec and Angoulême. Rottée’s inspectors pulled in Pican’s wife, Germaine, also a teacher and the mother of two small daughters; she was the liaison officer for the Communist Party in Rouen. They arrested Georges Politzer, a distinguished Hungarian philosopher who taught at the Sorbonne, and his wife Maï, ‘Vincennes’, a strikingly pretty midwife, who had dyed her blond hair black as a disguise for her work as courier and typist for the Underground, and not long afterwards, Charlotte Delbo, assistant to the well-known actor-manager Louis Jouvet.

Then there was Marie-Claude Vaillant-Couturier, ‘Femme Tricanet’, niece of the creator of the Babar stories and contributor to the clandestine edition of L’Humanité, and Danielle Casanova, ‘Femme No. 1 de Balard’, a dental surgeon from Corsica, a robust, forceful woman in her thirties, with bushy black eyebrows and a strong chin. Maï, Marie-Claude and Danielle were old friends.

When taken to Paris’s central Prefecture and questioned, some of those arrested refused to speak, others were defiant, others scornful. They told their interrogators that they had no interest in politics, that they knew nothing about the Resistance, that they had been given packets and parcels by total strangers. Husbands said that they had no idea what their wives did all day, mothers that they had not seen their sons in months.

Day after day, Rottée and his men questioned the prisoners, brought them together in ones and twos, wrote their reports and then set out to arrest others. What they did not put down on paper was that the little they were able to discover was often the result of torture, of slapping around, punching, kicking, beating about the head and ears, and threats to families, particularly children. The detainees should be treated, read one note written in the margin of a report, avec égard, with consideration. The words were followed by a series of exclamation marks. Torture had become a joke.

When, towards the end of March, what was now known as l’affaire Pican was closed down, Rottée announced that the French police had dealt a ‘decisive’ blow to the Resistance. Their haul included three million anti-German and anti-Vichy tracts, three tons of paper, two typewriters, eight roneo machines, 1,000 stencils, 100 kilos of ink and 300,000 francs. One hundred and thirteen people were in detention, thirty-five of them women. The youngest of these was a 16-year-old schoolgirl called Rosa Floch, who was picked up as she was writing ‘Vive les Anglais!’ on the walls of her lycée. The eldest was a 44-year-old farmer’s wife, Madeleine Normand, who told the police that the 39,500 francs in her handbag were there because she had recently sold a horse.

Nine months later on the snowy morning of 24 January 1943, thirty of these women joined two hundred others, arrested like them from all parts of occupied France, on the only train, during the entire four years of German occupation, to take women from the French Resistance to the Nazi death camps.

* * *

In the early 1960s², Charlotte Delbo, who had been one of the women on the train, sat down to write a play. She thought of herself as a messenger, bearing the story of her former companions. Twenty-three women, dressed in identical striped dresses, are talking about life in a Nazi camp. They are barely distinguishable one from another, all equally grey in their ragged and shapeless clothes, their hair and features purposefully unmemorable. ‘The faces,’ Delbo wrote in her stage instructions, ‘do not count’; what counted was their common experience. As in a Greek tragedy, the violence is reported but not seen.

‘There must be one of us who returns,’ says one of the women. ‘You or another, it doesn’t matter. We have to fight, to stay alive, because we are fighters … Those who return will have won.’ A second woman speaks up. ‘What of those we’ll leave behind?’ Another replies: ‘We won’t leave them. We’ll take them away with us.’ And then someone asks: ‘Why should you believe these stories of ghosts, ghosts who come back and who are not able to explain how?’

In 2008, I decide to go in search of the women who had left Paris, that freezing January dawn sixty-five years earlier. I wonder if any are still alive, to tell the story of what drew them into the Resistance, of how they came to fall into the hands of Rottée’s men, and what battles they and their companions fought to survive, then and later.

Charlotte Delbo, I discover, died of cancer in 1985. But seven of the women are still alive. I find Betty Langlois, at 95 an emaciated but steely woman of immense charm, with the same sharp shining brown eyes that look quizzically out of her early photographs, living in a darkened flat in the centre of Paris, full of potted plants and mahogany furniture. She gives me brightly coloured macaroons to eat and a present of a small stuffed tortoiseshell toy cat, curled up in a brown cardboard box. Though she does not have a cat herself, she loves the way this one looks so lifelike and she gives them as presents to all her friends.

Betty sends me to Cécile Charua, in Guingamp in Brittany, who laughs at my formal French, and teaches me many words of bawdy slang. At 93, Cécile is sturdy, humorous and uncomplaining. I visit them both several times, and on each occasion they talk and talk, recounting scenes and episodes that seem too fresh and real in their minds to have taken place over half a century before. Neither one of them, in all this time, has spoken much about what happened to them. It is Cécile who tells me about Madeleine Dissoubray, 91 and a retired teacher of mathematics, living on her own in a little flat on the edge of Paris, surrounded by books; and later, at the annual gathering of survivors held every 24 January, I hear Madeleine, an angular, upright woman, with a firm, carrying voice, describe to a crowd of onlookers what surviving has meant. She is unsmiling and totally contained.

I have trouble finding Poupette Alizon, who has drifted away from the others and is estranged from her daughters. But then a lucky turn takes me to Rennes, where I trace her to a silent, elegant, impeccably furnished flat, full of paintings, overlooking a deserted park and some gardens. Poupette, at 83 somewhat younger than the others and in her long flowing lilac coat as elegant as her surroundings, seems troubled and a bit defiant. Poupette, too, talks and talks. She is lonely and life has not worked out well for her.

Lulu Thévenin, Gilberte Tamisé and Geneviève Pakula, all three alive in 2008, I cannot see: they are too frail to welcome visitors. But I meet Lulu’s son Paul and her younger sister Christiane.

Betty dies, soon after my third visit, in the summer of 2009. She has had pancreatic cancer for seven years, and no one survives this kind of cancer for so long. The last time I see her, she tells me, in tones of pleasure and pride, that she has mystified all her doctors. Surviving, she says, is something that she is very good at.

Having spent many hours talking to the four surviving women, I decide to go in search of the families of those who did not return from the Nazi camps or who have since died. I find Madeleine Zani’s son Pierre in a village near Metz; Germaine Renaudin’s son Tony in a comfortable and pretty house in Termes d’Armagnac, not far from Bordeaux; Annette Epaud’s son Claude convalescing from an operation in a nursing home in Charente; Raymonde Sergent’s daughter Gisèle in Saint-Martin-le-Beau, the village near Tours in which her mother grew up. I meet Aminthe Guillon’s grandson in a cafe in Paris. Each tells me their family stories and introduces me to other families. I travel up and down France, to remote farmhouses, retirement homes and apartment blocks, to villages and to the suburbs of France’s principal cities. The children, some now in their seventies, produce letters, photographs, diaries. They talk about their mothers with admiration and a slight air of puzzlement, that they had been so brave and so little vainglorious about their own achievements. It makes these now elderly sons and daughters miss them all the more. When we talk about the past, their eyes sometimes fill with tears.

This is a book about friendship between women, and the importance that they attach to intimacy and to looking after each other, and about how, under conditions of acute hardship and danger, such mutual dependency can make the difference between living and dying. It is about courage, facing and surviving the worst that life can offer, with dignity and an unassailable determination not to be destroyed. Those who came back to France in 1945 owed their lives principally to chance, but they owed it too in no small measure to the tenacity with which they clung to one another, though separated by every division of class, age, religion, occupation, politics and education. They did not all, of course, like each other equally: some were far closer friends than others. But each watched out for the others with the same degree of attention and concern and minded every death with anguish. And what they all went through, month after month, lay at the very outer limits of human endurance.

This is their story, that of Cécile, Betty, Poupette, Madeleine and the 226 other women who were with them on what became known as Le Convoi des 31000.

Part One

CHAPTER ONE

An enormous toy full of subtleties

WHAT SURPRISED¹ THE Parisians, standing in little groups along the Champs-Elysées to watch the German soldiers take over their city in the early hours of 14 June 1940, was how youthful and healthy they looked. Tall, fair, clean shaven, the young men marching to the sounds of a military band to the Arc de Triomphe were observed to be wearing uniforms of good cloth and gleaming boots made of real leather. The coats of the horses pulling the cannons glowed. It seemed not an invasion but a spectacle. Paris itself was calm and almost totally silent. Other than the steady waves of tanks, motorised infantry and troops, nothing moved. Though it had rained hard on the 13th, the unseasonal great heat of early June had returned.

And when they had stopped staring, the Parisians returned to their homes and waited to see what would happen. A spirit of attentisme, of holding on, doing nothing, watching, settled over the city.

The speed of the German victory – the Panzers into Luxembourg on 10 May, the Dutch forces annihilated, the Meuse crossed on 13 May, the French army and airforce proved obsolete, ill-equipped, badly led and fossilised by tradition, the British Expeditionary Force obliged to fall back at Dunkirk, Paris bombed on 3 June – had been shocking. Few had been able to take in the fact that a nation whose military valour was epitomised by the battle of Verdun in the First World War and whose defences had been guaranteed by the supposedly impregnable Maginot line, had been reduced, in just six weeks, to a stage of vassalage. Just what the consequences would be were impossible to see; but they were not long in coming.

By midday on the 14th, General Sturnitz, military commandant of Paris, had set up his headquarters in the Hotel Crillon. Since Paris had been declared an open city there was no destruction. A German flag was hoisted over the Arc de Triomphe, and swastikas raised over the Hôtel de Ville, the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate and the various ministries. Edith Thomas, a young Marxist historian and novelist, said they made her think of ‘huge spiders, glutted with blood’. The Grand Palais was turned into a garage for German lorries, the École Polytechnique into a barracks. The Luftwaffe took over the Grand Hotel in the Place de l’Opéra. French signposts came down; German ones went up. French time was advanced by one hour, to bring it into line with Berlin. The German mark was fixed at almost twice its pre-war level. In the hours after the arrival of the occupiers, sixteen people committed suicide, the best known of them Thierry de Martel, inventor in France of neurosurgery, who had fought at Gallipoli.

The first signs of German behaviour were, however, reassuring. All property was to be respected, providing people were obedient to German demands for law and order. Germans were to take control of the telephone exchange and, in due course, of the railways, but the utilities would remain in French hands. The burning of sackfuls of state archives and papers in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, carried out as the Germans arrived, was inconvenient, but not excessively so, as much had been salvaged. General von Brauchtisch, commander-in-chief of the German troops, ordered his men to behave with ‘perfect correctness’. When it became apparent that the Parisians were planning no revolt, the curfew, originally set for forty-eight hours, was lifted. The French, who had feared the savagery that had accompanied the invasion of Poland, were relieved. They handed in their weapons, as instructed, accepted that they would henceforth only be able to hunt rabbits with terriers or stoats, and registered their much-loved carrier pigeons. The Germans, for their part, were astonished by the French passivity.

When, over the next days and weeks, those who had fled south in a river of cars, bicycles, hay wagons, furniture vans, ice-cream carts, hearses and horse-drawn drays, dragging behind them prams, wheelbarrows and herds of animals, returned, they were amazed by how civilised the conquerors seemed to be. There was something a little shaming about this chain reaction of terror, so reminiscent of the Grand Peur that had driven the French from their homes in the early days of the revolution of 1797. In 1940 it was not, after all, so very terrible. The French were accustomed to occupation; they had endured it, after all, in 1814, 1870 and 1914, and then there had been chaos and looting. Now they found German soldiers in the newly reopened Galeries Lafayette, buying stockings and shoes and scent for which they scrupulously paid, sightseeing in Notre Dame, giving chocolates to small children and offering their seats to elderly women on the métro.

Soup kitchens had been set up by the Germans in various parts of Paris, and under the flowering chestnut trees in the Jardin des Tuileries, military bands played Beethoven. Paris remained eerily silent, not least because the oily black cloud that had enveloped the city after the bombardment of the huge petrol dumps in the Seine estuary had wiped out most of the bird population. Hitler, who paid² a lightning visit on 28 June, was photographed slapping his knee in delight under the Eiffel Tower. As the painter and photographer Jacques Henri Lartigue remarked, the German conquerors were behaving as if they had just been presented with a wonderful new toy³, ‘an enormous toy full of subtleties which they do not suspect’.

On 16 June, Paul Reynaud, the Prime Minister who had presided over the French government’s flight from Paris to Tours and then to Bordeaux, resigned, handing power to the much-loved hero of Verdun, Marshal Pétain. At 12.30 on the 17th, Pétain, his thin, crackling voice reminding Arthur Koestler of a ‘skeleton with a chill’, announced over the radio that he had agreed to head a new government and that he was asking Germany for an armistice. The French people, he said, were to ‘cease fighting’ and to co-operate with the German authorities. ‘Have confidence in the German soldier!’ read posters that soon appeared on every wall.

The terms of the armistice, signed after twenty-seven hours of negotiation in the clearing at Rethondes in the forest of Compiègne in which the German military defeat had been signed at the end of the First World War, twenty-two years before, were brutal. The geography of France was redrawn. Forty-nine of France’s eighty-seven mainland departments – three-fifths of the country – were to be occupied by Germany. Alsace and Lorraine were to be annexed. The Germans would control the Atlantic and Channel coasts and all areas of important heavy industry, and have the right to large portions of French raw materials. A heavily guarded 1,200-kilometre demarcation line, cutting France in half and running from close to Geneva in the east, west to near Tours, then south to the Spanish border, was to separate the occupied zone in the north from the ‘free zone’ in the south, and there would be a ‘forbidden zone’ in the north and east, ruled by the German High Command in Brussels. An exorbitant daily sum was to be paid over by the French to cover the costs of occupation. Policing of a demilitarised zone along the Italian border was to be given to the Italians – who, not wishing to miss out on the spoils, had declared war on France on 10 June.

The French government came to rest in Vichy, a fashionable spa on the right bank of the river Allier in the Auvergne. Here, Pétain and his chief minister, the appeaser and pro-German Pierre Laval, set about putting in place a new French state. On paper at least, it was not a German puppet but a legal, sovereign state with diplomatic relations. During the rapid German advance, some 100,000 French soldiers had been killed in action, 200,000 wounded and 1.8 million others were now making their way into captivity in prisoner-of-war camps in Austria and Germany, but a new France was to rise out of the ashes of the old. ‘Follow me,’ declared Pétain: ‘keep your faith in La France Eternelle’. Pétain was 84 years old. Those who preferred not to follow him scrambled to leave France – over the border into Spain and Switzerland or across the Channel – and began to group together as the Free French with French nationals from the African colonies who had argued against a negotiated surrender to Germany.

In this France envisaged by Pétain and his Catholic, conservative, authoritarian and often anti-Semitic followers, the country would be purged and purified, returned to a mythical golden age before the French revolution introduced perilous ideas about equality. The new French were to respect their superiors and the values of discipline, hard work and sacrifice and they were to shun the decadent individualism that had, together with Jews, Freemasons, trade unionists, immigrants, gypsies and communists, contributed to the military defeat of the country.

Returning from meeting Hitler at Montoire on 24 October, Pétain declared: ‘With honour, and to maintain French unity … I am embarking today on the path of collaboration’. Relieved that they would not have to fight, disgusted by the British bombing of the French fleet at anchor in the Algerian port of Mers-el-Kebir, warmed by the thought of their heroic fatherly leader, most French people were happy to join him. But not, as it soon turned out, all of them.

* * *

Long before they reached Paris⁴, the Germans had been preparing for the occupation of France. There would be no gauleiter – as in the newly annexed Alsace-Lorraine – but there would be military rule of a minute and highly bureaucratic kind. Everything from the censorship of the press to the running of the postal services was to be under tight German control. A thousand railway officials arrived to supervise the running of the trains. France was to be regarded as an enemy kept in faiblesse inférieure, a state of dependent weakness, and cut off from the reaches of all Allied forces. It was against this background of collaboration and occupation that the early Resistance began to take shape.

A former scoutmaster and reorganiser of the Luftwaffe, Otto von Stülpnagel, a disciplinarian Prussian with a monocle, was named chief of the Franco-German Armistice Commission. Moving into the Hotel Majestic, he set about organising the civilian administration of occupied France, with the assistance of German civil servants, rapidly drafted in from Berlin. Von Stülpnagel’s powers included both the provisioning and security of the German soldiers and the direction of the French economy. Not far away, in the Hotel Crillon in the rue de Rivoli, General von Sturnitz was busy overseeing day to day life in the capital. In requisitioned hotels and town houses, men in gleaming boots were assisted by young German women secretaries, soon known to the French as ‘little grey mice’.

There was, however, another side to the occupation, which was neither as straightforward, nor as reasonable; and nor was it as tightly under the German military command as von Stülpnagel and his men would have liked. This was the whole apparatus of the secret service, with its different branches across the military and the police.

After the protests of a number of his generals about the behaviour of the Gestapo in Poland, Hitler had agreed that no SS security police would accompany the invading troops into France. Police powers would be placed in the hands of the military administration alone. However Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler, the myopic, thin-lipped 40-year-old Chief of the German Police, who had long dreamt of breeding a master race of Nordic Ayrans, did not wish to see his black-shirted SS excluded. He decided to dispatch to Paris a bridgehead of his own, which he could later use to send in more of his men. Himmler ordered his deputy, Reinhard Heydrich, the cold-blooded head of the Geheime Staatspolizei or Gestapo, which he had built up into an instrument of terror, to include a small group of twenty men, wearing the uniform of the Abwehr’s secret military police, and driving vehicles with military plates.

In charge of this party was a 30-year-old journalist with a doctorate in philosophy, called Helmut Knochen. Knochen was a specialist in Jewish repression and spoke some French. After commandeering a house on the avenue Foch with his team of experts in anti-terrorism and Jewish affairs, he called on the Paris Prefecture, where he demanded to be given the dossiers on all German émigrés, all Jews, and all known anti-Nazis. Asked by the military what he was doing, he said he was conducting research into dissidents.

Knochen and his men soon became extremely skilful at infiltration, the recruitment of informers and as interrogators. Under him, the German secret services would turn into the most feared German organisation in France, permeating every corner of the Nazi system.

Knochen was not, however, alone in his desire to police France. There were also the counter-terrorism men of the Abwehr, who reported back to Admiral Canaris in Berlin; the Einsatzstab Rosenberg which ferreted out Masonic lodges and secret societies and looted valuable art to be sent off to Germany, and Goebbels’s propaganda specialists. Von Ribbentrop, the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Berlin, had also persuaded Hitler to let him send one of his own men to Paris, Otto Abetz, a Francophile who had courted the French during the 1930s with plans for Franco-German co-operation. Abetz was 37, a genial, somewhat stout man, who had once been an art master, and though recognised to be charming and to love France, was viewed by both French and Germans with suspicion, not least because his somewhat ambiguous instructions made him ‘responsible for political questions in both occupied and unoccupied France’. From his sumptuous embassy⁵ in the rue de Lille, Abetz embarked on collaboration ‘with a light touch’. Paris, as he saw it, was to become once again the cité de lumière, and at the same time would serve as the perfect place of delight and pleasure for its German conquerors. Not long after visiting Paris, Hitler had declared that every German soldier would be entitled to a visit to the city.

Despite the fact that all these separate forces were, in theory, subordinated to the German military command, in practice they had every intention of operating independently. And, when dissent and resistance began to grow, so the military command was increasingly happy to let the unofficial bodies of repression deal with any signs of rebellion. Paris would eventually become a little Berlin, with all the rivalries and clans and divisions of the Fatherland, the difference being that they shared a common goal: that of dominating, ruling, exploiting and spying on the country they were occupying.

Though the French police – of which there were some 100,000 throughout France in the summer of 1940 – had at first been ordered to surrender their weapons, they were soon instructed to take them back, as it was immediately clear that the Germans were desperately short of policemen. The 15,000 men originally working for the Paris police were told to resume their jobs, shadowed by men of the Feldkommandatur. A few resigned; most chose not to think, but just to obey orders; but there were others for whom the German occupation would prove a step to rapid promotion.

The only German police presence that the military were tacitly prepared to accept as independent of their control was that of the anti-Jewish service, sent by Eichmann, under a tall, thin, 27-year-old Bavarian called Theo Dannecker. By the end of September, Dannecker had also set himself up in the avenue Foch and was making plans for what would become the Institut d’Etudes des Questions Juives. His job was made infinitely easier when it became clear that Pétain and the Vichy government were eager to anticipate his wishes. At this stage in the war, the Germans were less interested in arresting the Jews in the occupied zone than in getting rid of them by sending them to the free zone, though Pétain was no less determined not to have them. According to a new census, there were around 330,000 Jews living in France in 1940, of which only half were French nationals, the others having arrived as a result of waves of persecution across Europe.

At the time of the 1789 revolution⁶, France had been the first country to emancipate and integrate its Jews as French citizens. All through the 1920s and 1930s the country had never distinguished between its citizens on the basis of race or religion. Within weeks of the German invasion, posters were seen on Parisian walls with the words ‘Our enemy is the Jew’. Since the Germans felt that it was important to maintain the illusion – if illusion it was – that anti-Jewish measures were the result of direct orders by the Vichy government and stemmed from innate French anti-Semitism, Dannecker began by merely ‘prompting’ a number of ‘spontaneous’ anti-Jewish demonstrations. ‘Young guards’ were secretly recruited to hang about in front of Jewish shops to scare customers away. In early August⁷, they ransacked a number of Jewish shops. On the 20th, a grande action saw the windows of Jewish shops in the Champs-Elysées stoned. One of the Rothschilds’ châteaux was stripped of its art, which gave Göring six Matisses, five Renoirs, twenty Braques, two Delacroix and twenty-one Picassos to add to his growing collection of looted paintings.

But it was not only the Jews who attracted the interest of von Stülpnagel and his men. France had rightly been proud of the welcome given to successive waves of refugees fleeing civil wars, political repression or acute poverty. Poles in particular had been coming to France since the eighteenth century, and the 1920s had brought thousands of men to replace the shortage of manpower caused by the immense French losses in the First World War. Many had become coal miners, settling in the north and east. More recently had come the German refugees, arriving in response to every Nazi crackdown, 35,000 of them in 1933 alone; Austrians escaping the Anschluss; Czechs in the wake of Munich; Italians, who had opposed Mussolini. Then there were the Spanish republicans, fleeing Franco at the end of the civil war, of whom some 100,000 were still in France, many of them living in appalling hardship behind barbed wire in camps near the Spanish border.

To these refugees the French had been generous, at least until the economic reversals of the 1930s pushed up unemployment and Prime Minister Daladier drafted measures to curtail their numbers and keep checks on ‘spies and agitators’ while opening camps for ‘undesirable aliens’. France, under Daladier, had been the only Western democracy not to condemn Kristallnacht. The extreme right-wing leader of L’Action Française, Charles Maurras, spoke of ‘these pathogenic political, social and moral microbes’. Watching a train of refugees leave France not long before the war, the writer Saint-Exupéry had remarked that they had become ‘no more than half human beings, shunted from one end of Europe to the other by economic interests’. Despite the growing xenophobia, many foreigners remained in France; but now, in an atmosphere of uncertainty and hostility, they were stateless, without protection and extremely vulnerable. By late September 1940, many were on their way to internment camps, the German refugees among them branded ‘enemies of the Reich’ and handed over by the very French who not so long before had granted them asylum.

The treatment of the political exiles caused little protest. The French had other things on their mind. Initial relief at the politeness of the German occupiers was rapidly giving way to unease and a growing uncertainty about how, given that the war showed no signs of ending, they were going to survive economically. As more Germans arrived to run France, they commandeered houses, hotels, schools, even entire streets. They requisitioned furniture, cars, tyres, sheets, glasses and petrol, closed some restaurants and cinemas to all but German personnel, and reserved whole sections of hospitals for German patients. Charcuterie vanished from the shops, as Germans helped themselves to pigs, sheep and cattle.

What they had no immediate use for, they sent back to Germany, and packed goods wagons were soon to be seen leaving from the eastern Parisian stations, laden down with looted goods, along with raw materials and anything that might be useful to Germany’s war effort. ‘I dream of looting, and thoroughly,’ wrote Göring to the military command in France. Just as Napoleon had once looted the territories he occupied of their art, now Germany was helping itself to everything that took the fancy of the occupiers. Soon, dressmakers in Paris were closing, because there was no cloth for them to work with; shoemakers were shutting, because there was no leather. Safe-deposit boxes and bank accounts were scrutinised and, if they were Jewish, plundered. Rapidly, French factories found themselves making planes, spare parts, ammunition, cars, tractors and radios for Germany.

In September 1940, the French were issued with ration books and told that in restaurants they could have no more than one hors d’oeuvre, one main dish, one vegetable and one piece of cheese. Coupons were needed for bread, soap, school supplies and meat, the quantities calculated according to the age and needs of the individual. Parisians were advised⁸ not to eat rats, which began emerging, starving, from the sewers, ‘armies of enormous, long-whiskered, dark-coated, red-eyed rats’, though cat fur, especially black, white and ginger, became popular to line winter clothes, since coal had disappeared and houses remained unheated. From November, a powerful black market in food, writing paper, electric wire, buttons and cigarettes operated in Les Halles.

The French were becoming resourceful. Everyone made do, mended, improvised. The word ‘ersatz’ entered the everyday vocabulary of Paris, housewives exchanging tips and recipes as they queued interminably for ever-dwindling supplies. They told each other how to make gazogène, fuel, out of wood and charcoal, how to crush grape pips for oil, and roll cigarettes from a mixture of scarce tobacco, Jerusalem artichokes, sunflowers and maize. As raw materials ceased to reach France from its colonies, and supplies of linen, cotton, wool, silk and jute dried up, women dyed their legs with iodine and wore ankle socks and carried handbags made of cloth. Soon, Paris clattered to the sound of clogs and horse-drawn carts. Vegetables were planted in the Tuileries and in window boxes. A first wind of resistance was beginning to blow. When the ashes of Napoleon’s son, l’Aiglon, were returned from exile in Vienna on 15 December 1940 in a huge fanfare of military splendour to be buried again in Les Invalides in Paris, posters were seen with the words: ‘Take back your little eagle, give us back our pigs’.

Nor was it easy to learn much about the outside world. On 25 June, a Presse-Gruppe had been set up to hold twice-weekly press briefings for those newspapers which, like Le Matin and Paris Soir, had been allowed to reappear. In theory, the Germans were to draw up the ‘themes’, while individual journalists decided on the actual content. In practice, editors had been issued with a long list of words and topics to avoid, from ‘Anglo-Americans’ to Alsace-Lorraine, while the words Austria, Poland, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia were never to be used at all, since as countries they no longer existed. Abetz had appointed a Dr Epting to ‘diffuse German culture’. Publishers, meanwhile, had been given an ‘Otto’ list of banned books, which included anything written by a Jew, a communist, an Anglo-Saxon writer or a Freemason, the better to create a ‘healthier attitude’. Malraux, Maurois and Aragon vanished from the bookshops, along with Heine, Freud, Einstein and H.G. Wells. In time, 2,242 tons of books would be pulped. By contrast, Au Pilori, a violently anti-Semitic paper based on Julius Streicher’s Stürmer, was to be found all over the city.

Occupation, for the French, was turning out to be a miserable affair.

CHAPTER TWO

The flame of French resistance

NOT MANY PEOPLE living in France heard the celebrated call to arms of a relatively unknown French general, Charles de Gaulle, transmitted by the BBC on 18 June – four days after the fall of Paris. Some eight million of them were still on the roads to the south, though by now the traffic was crawling the other way, back towards their homes in the north. But the BBC had agreed to give the Free French a slot each evening, five minutes of it in French, and after his first appel to the French, de Gaulle spoke to them again, on the 19th, 22nd, 24th, 26th and 28th. With each day that passed, his stern, measured voice gained authority. His message did not vary. It was a crime, he said, for French men and women in occupied France to submit to their occupiers; it was an honour to defy them. One sentence in particular struck a chord with his listeners. ‘Somewhere,’ said de Gaulle, ‘must shine and burn the flame of French resistance.’

Soon, the idea that it was actually possible not to give in to the Germans became an echo, picked up and repeated, written out and handed round, printed in Underground papers and flyers.

De Gaulle had said nothing about the reasons for the French defeat, simply that France was not beaten and would live to see another day. In the evenings, behind closed shutters, in darkness, defying German orders, those who owned radios gathered to listen as the first few chords of Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony – chosen when someone pointed out that V, in Morse code, was three short taps – announced words that were quickly becoming famous: ‘Içi Londres. Les Français parlent aux Français’. It had the effect of creating links between listeners. In the long food queues, housewives discussed what they had heard. Just at the time when the Germans seemed at their most invincible, it gave ordinary men and women the feeling that they, too, might participate in the ultimate defeat of their oppressors, even if that moment lay far in the future. And though they had little notion of what de Gaulle had in mind, beyond his call for volunteers to join him and the Free French in London, some of the French at least began to see in de Gaulle a future possible liberator and leader.

When the Prefect and future Resistance leader Jean Moulin visited Paris in November, come to see for himself whether there might be a possible resistance Française, he concluded that there was nothing much happening. But he was wrong.

The first acts¹ of resistance were small, spontaneous and ill-co-ordinated, carried out by individuals acting out of personal feelings of rebellion and shame. The Free French’s Croix de Lorraine – the symbol taken from Joan of Arc – and Vs for victory were scribbled in crayon, lipstick or paint on to walls, on to blackout paper, on to German cars, in the métro and at bus stops, and after the Germans co-opted the Vs, saying that they stood for Victoria, an ancient German word, the French wrote Hs instead, for honneur. Rosa Floch was only one of dozens of young girls who wrote ‘Vive les Anglais’ on their lycée walls. A few stones were thrown at the windows of restaurants requisitioned by the Germans. There were catcalls and whistles during German newsreels, until the order went out that the lights had to be kept on, after which the audience took to reading their books and coughing. A young man called Etienne Achavanne cut a German telephone cable.

Early in October, a music publisher called Raymond Deiss typed out two double sheets containing the daily bulletins of the BBC, printed them on linotype and called his news-sheet Pantagruel.^fn1 Tracts, posters, flyers, typed up and printed by journalists and university students, reminding women that a group of Parisian fishwives had marched on Versailles in 1789 demanding bread from Louis XIV, called on them to protest against rationing. In the Musée de l’Homme, a group of ethnographers and anthropologists joined forces to run off an anti-Vichy and anti-Nazi news-sheet on the museum’s mimeograph machine.

Inspired by a mixture of patriotism and humanism, by a view of France as the champion of individual liberties and the Germans as brutal conquerors, these early pamphlets and papers came from every class and every political ideology. Some extolled Catholicism and morality; others Marxism; others Tom Paine and the Rights of Man. All shared a conviction that to do nothing was wrong.

Faced by this outpouring of protest, the Germans acted swiftly and decisively. The writers and printers they were able to catch they tried and sent to prison. The naïve first resisters were no match for the Nazis, long accustomed to a harsh war of repression at home. The Germans took to putting up posters of their own, warning of the consequences of resistance and offering rewards to informers. Following close behind them, young boys ripped them off while they were still wet, or wrote the words ‘Draw a line for de Gaulle’, so that soon the German posters were covered in dozens of little lines.

* * *

There was, however², one political group in France which already knew a good deal about survival and the clandestine life. The Parti Communist Français, the PCF, born in the wake of the First World War from a schism of the left at Tours in 1920, had zigzagged through the turbulent currents of French interwar years. Briefly in shared power as part of Léon Blum’s coalition of radicals, socialists and communists in 1936 and again in 1938 as the Front Populaire, with a platform of better conditions for the workers and a banner of Pain, Paix et Liberté, the PCF had seen its numbers rise sharply in the mining towns of the north, in areas of heavy industry and in ports.

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