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A Land of Milk and Honey?

‘a land flowing with milk and honey’ – Exodus 3:8 ‘By chance this land became holy’ – Mahmoud Darwish, Mural

Memories and identities

In 2017, the world will mark the centenary of the infamous Balfour Declaration. This was the assurance given to Lord Rothschild by the British Foreign Secretary and Christian Zionist, Arthur James Balfour that the British government viewed

with favour the establishment in Palestine of a National Home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious right of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.¹ (My italics)

Lord Rothschild was a leading British Jew able to pass this message to the Zionist leadership then pressing for a Jewish state in Palestine once the war was ended and Ottoman rule destroyed. The Balfour Declaration was for the Zionist movement of Herzl and Weizmann and their supporters in Europe and the USA a major political and diplomatic achievement. In the chaos of war it prised open the possibility of the Jewish state in Palestine they dreamed of.

This moment in the history of Zionism and of what became the state of Israel reminds us today that the tormented history of the Middle East has always been part of the wider international order with its conflicts of interests, deceptions and carefully engineered political alliances that have been and remain to this day in constant flux.

A century later, this declaration is a live symbol in the political memories of both Jews and Arabs. Of course, it is remembered for different reasons. For Jews, it is a turning point opening a new future. For Arabs it is a sign of betrayal, arrogance and hypocrisy on the part of Britain’s leaders. The narrative of the memory evokes both the hopes and resentments of two peoples that remain locked in an unresolved conflict about the future of the land then known as Palestine.

The logic behind the declaration was embedded in an imperialist world-view. Britain needed a strong presence in the Middle East to counter French and Russian ambitions in the region and to protect the Suez Canal route to India. There was also a belief among British statesmen that a strong Jewish presence in the Holy Land would accelerate its development and overcome the traditionalism of its Arab population. The exploitation of oil fields in Iraq and the prospects of a future air bridge to India all combined to make a strong case for Jewish settlement in Palestine as something that was in line with imperial interests.

There were immediate pressures at work too. Particularly significant was the need to secure American Jewish support for the US to join the allied war effort and to garner support from European Jews to support imperial aims after the war.² Christian Zionist sentiments, based on biblical narratives of the Jewish links with the Holy Land, which were held to be supportive of Jewish settlement in Palestine, was part of the wider worldview of many members of the British government.

The Arab world looked upon this declaration as an act of betrayal of promises that had been given to them that their participation in the allied war effort against the Ottoman Empire would lead to Arab independence. They feared and opposed the prospect of there being a Jewish state in Palestine.

That opposition grew during the inter-war years. It took the form of attacks on Jewish settlements and riots. These troubles fed support for a Palestinian national movement led by the grand mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husseini. British policies to stem Jewish immigration to Palestine in the years after the war became a source of tension and violence between Mandate authorities and Jewish irregular forces and between Jews and Arabs. The years 1936-39 are of Arab resistance to Jewish settlement and are referred to now as the ‘Arab Revolt’.

The Balfour declaration of 1917 opened a door to a new future in Palestine for European Jews. The Hitler regime in Germany was, however, much more decisive in establishing the rationale for a Jewish state. During the pre-war Hitler years Jewish migration to Palestine increased dramatically. After the war and the Holocaust, Jewish migration reached a critical mass that enabled Jews to sustain a political and military struggle to gain their own state.³

After world war two, an economically exhausted Britain, harassed by Jewish terrorism in Palestine, was no longer in a position to carry out its Mandate responsibilities. Britain could not resist American pressure to open the gates to Palestine for tens of thousands of Jewish displaced persons in Europe who could not return to their original homelands in Eastern Europe. Mandate responsibilities were transferred to the United Nations. In 1947, the UN agreed to the partition of Palestine in a deal that was very generous to Jews and which Arabs regarded as an unjust settlement that they resisted.

In May 1948, after months of struggle between Arabs and Jews in the Holy Land and of international efforts to try and delay the partition plan, David Ben Gurion, of the Provisional State Council and Jewish Agency, declared independence for the state of Israel. The state that came into being fulfilled a Zionist dream. It was not the outcome that the British envisaged in 1917 or even in 1947. Without strong American support and arm-bending diplomacy behind the scenes in the UN, it would not have been possible at all.

Nor was it clear, even among Zionists, what the future of Palestine and Israel would be. The American Council for Judaism for instance took an anti-Zionist position and favoured a state that would be democratic and secular and one in which Jews and Arabs would have equal rights.⁴ This, of course, was not the Zionist plan. Nor were the Arab states of the region prepared to accept the partition of Palestine.

The logics of change

The Balfour Declaration was a product of a moment of conflict and change in an imperialist world order. It was during that moment that a well-organized Zionist movement used all political means open to it to influence the decisions of leaders in the world’s most powerful nation states. There was no historical necessity at work in this, no predetermined outcome, only a penetrating analysis of a situation, a clear articulation of goals and purposeful action. Viewed this way, the Balfour Declaration was not a gift; it was a political achievement.

The emergence of the state of Israel after the Second World War was also not inevitable. It was a product of circumstances: Hitler’s war against the Jews; the growth of American power and western fears over the rise of Arab nationalism and, after 19 0, of Russian influence in the Middle East. Each generated constraints and opportunities that limited and shaped the possibilities open to the main political actors in the region.

Through a combination of British weakness, American support, the incompetence of the Arab leadership and determined, ruthless action by well-led Jewish forces, Israel pulled successfully through what the country now celebrates as its ‘war of independence’. It is an event Palestinians remember as the Nakba, or catastrophe.

Facets of the history of the Israel-Palestine conflict since this period will be discussed throughout this book. It is part of a framework of strategic alliances, national interests, foreign policies and political identities that is in a continuous state of development and flux. Because of this, the future of this conflict cannot be predicted or determined. It will be decided through political and possibly military action.

The matter will not be through bi-lateral negotiations or the military success of one party over the other. For politicians who parrot this line, it is a shameful cop-out. The Jewish settlements built on Palestinian land have been denounced by the UN as illegal. This is an issue that needs to be rectified not negotiated. To do otherwise is like asking a family who have been victims of an armed-robbery to negotiate with the thieves how much of their property should be returned with the added imposition that the criminals can carry their weapons to the negotiating table. Real negotiations presuppose equal partners to the process and for Palestinians at the moment there is no prospect of these conditions being achieved.

If the future for Israelis and Palestinians is to be a peaceful one, it must come from profound changes in the structures of Middle Eastern politics and of western approaches to this region. Western politicians and diplomats who parrot the line that there can be no settlement of this conflict without bi-lateral agreements between Israelis and Palestinians over the key issues of boundaries, settlements, Jerusalem and refugees, are prevaricating. They are bogged down in a pro-Israeli stance that leaves them in a state of denial about the kind of state their policies support. They are unwilling to take the action needed to change the political circumstances to enable proper, balanced negotiations could take place.

The challenge for those who seek a peaceful Middle East and a political resolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict is to find ways to exert pressure on western states to compel changes in their policies towards this region. Current approaches support Israel in policies towards Palestinians that are oppressive, racist and violent. They have encouraged the growth in Israel of political forces that are wholly opposed to the Palestinian right of self-determination. They have created a state whose actions have undermined any prospect of a peace settlement based on the idea of two states living side by side. Confident in their military superiority and sure of American support, Israeli leaders have been determined to shape the future of the state independently of the needs and aspirations of millions of Palestinians living in Israel, in besieged Gaza and the occupied territories (OTs) of the West Bank.

The image that Israel presents to the world as the West’s ‘democratic ally in the Middle East’ has worn very thin. Israel is now dominated by a right wing, religious political bloc intolerant of democratic politics. It has grown in importance and power over the past quarter century in line with the growth of illegal Jewish settlements on the West bank. In 201 , Israel remembered the 20^th anniversary of the assassination by a right-wing orthodox Jew of Prime Minister Rabin, one of the architects of the Oslo Accords that created the Palestinian Authority and endorsed the idea of a future peace deal based on two states living securely. To the likes of Yigal Amir, the assassin, Rabin was a traitor. Right wing groups in Israel still regard him as a hero and have campaigned for his release from prison. His murder of the Prime Minister can in retrospect be seen as the beginning of the end of the peace process.

The secular, democratic and socialist state Israel’s western supporters thought was being built after the war that would ‘make the desert bloom’ is a nostalgic fiction. Until western leaders realise this and seek to neutralise the power of right wing pro-Israeli lobbies in Congress, in the EU and in their national parliaments, there is no prospect of a peace deal in Palestine.

This is not a council of despair. Israel is not yet a totalitarian state impervious to both external pressure and political opposition from within. Nor are Palestinians by some natural flaw implacable anti-Semites opposed to Israel and unwilling to make peace. Palestinians have opposed the occupation of their land and the territorial expansion of Israel and suffered greatly as a result. The forms their opposition has taken have been shaped by the logic of Israel power. Faced with a military Leviathan, armed resistance has been futile.

Civil disobedience has been their weapon of choice. As the Israeli occupation intensified following the 1967 ‘Six Day War’ armed resistance became an option and since the mid 1980s that took the form of suicide bombing and rocket attacks. At the edges of Palestinian resistance, some groups found strength and political rationale in Islam. This enables them so see the plight of Palestinians under Israeli rule as a symbol of western oppression of Muslims across the world.

In the climate of the contemporary Middle East, this could be construed as a dangerous development, not just for Israel and the West but also for Palestinian political development. When religious fanaticism drives politics, politics as the peaceful resolution of conflicts fails. Such developments have, nevertheless resulted from Israeli actions, especially its relentless siege and destructive wars on Gaza over the past decade.

Whatever might be said about the rights and wrongs of this interpretation of events, one thing is clear: great changes have and are taking place in both Israel and Palestine and in the international order of which they are a part. Hope lies in the possibility of guiding these changes in the direction of peace. To do that, we have to probe as deeply as we can into the social and political dynamics of both Israel and Palestine to understand why both societies are as they are and why their leaders make the choices they do.

Structures and actions

The Balfour Declaration was a product of the age of empires. The conflicts which followed it after the First World War, a period which Eric Hobsbawm the historian, characterised as the ‘age of catastrophe’ were driven by the clashing interests of nation states and of two competing ideological systems: capitalism and communism. They united for a while at great cost to defeat Fascism. By the late 1940s, powerful Empires had crumbled and a new age of superpowers had begun creating transnational structures of governance and political alliance that shaped a new world order. Israel built a place for itself within that order, consolidating its military superiority as a western ally that cultivated American support and exploited Arab weaknesses.

Four interdependent but different social structures need to be understood to explore thoroughly the political dynamics of this situation and find better ways forward to a peaceful region. They are: ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’ ‘the Arab world’ and ‘the West’. Their names are in inverted commas because, as the book shows, each is a social and political construct. Unlike other countries and nation states, these have no clear geographical boundaries or settled national identities. They are political fictions, products of entwined hopes, economic alliances and powerful interests.

‘The West’ is shorthand for a complex, transnational network of strategic alliances, economic relationships binding together some of the world’s powerful nation states and their corporate and military elites. It is a network beyond the reach of the democratic controls of its member nations whose citizens poorly understand its mechanisms for decision-making. Indeed, without access to the kind of information now exposed by the release of secret diplomatic messages and National Security Agency reports by the CIA administrator, Edward Snowden, elected representatives in western parliaments would not properly understand the deals, the political machinations, the surveillance and the violence – including the use of torture – that make it possible for the global behemoth of the ‘West’ to function as it does. There is a normally hidden and dangerous world behind the political platitudes deployed to justify foreign policies.

Western influence in the Middle East and in the politics of the Israel-Palestine conflict has been decisive in shaping its course and consequences. Without western support, Israel could not have developed to become the state it is today. Without western financial support through aid programmes the political institutions of Palestinian life would have collapsed long ago.

‘The Arab world’ is a complex construct of nation states that have much in common – particularly the shared religion of Islam – but much to differentiate them. Arab hostility to Israel, at least until 1973, has been the key factor in ensuring that Israel, with western support, built up its formidable defence forces to become the dominant military power in the region. In retrospect, it seems paradoxical that during the late 19 0s and 1960s Israel built working political and military relationships with Iran and Turkey, but especially Iran. This policy, known by Israeli politicians as ‘the alliance with the periphery’ was developed to build relationships that were useful to both Iran and Israel in the containment of Arab nationalism.

This changed, of course, with the overthrow of the Shah in 1979. After the Khomeini revolution, Israel became the ‘Zionist entity’ to which the revolutionary Shia regime was opposed. Through Hezbollah, formed after Israel’s 1986 invasion of Lebanon, Iran has helped sustain a northern threat to Israel. Iran’s nuclear energy programme became for Israel leaders something they understood as an existential threat to their state. They campaigned hard internationally to forestall agreements between the West – especially the USA – and Iran about an inspection regime of Iran’s nuclear plants that would prevent the development of nuclear weapons that could be aimed at Israel.

‘Israel ‘and ‘Palestine’ are imagined states in the sense that those who identify with them and feel a strong sense of belonging and obligation to them feel that their countries are not yet fully formed. Right-wing politicians and movements in Israel see their country as trapped in artificial historical boundaries and they are determined to expand beyond them. The historic mission of Zionism is to reclaim Eretz Israel (the land of Israel) as the state and homeland of Jews.

Palestinians cleave to the hope that one day they will reclaim land currently occupied by Israel and secure their rights to return to homes they were driven from by Jewish forces from 1947 onwards. For the past two decades, Palestinian political leaders, with western and Arab support, have worked towards a resolution of the conflict that will bring into being a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital that will live in peace and security alongside Israel.

Futures Uncertain

The two-state solution is a political dream that has faded. Palestinians are divided among themselves about what a Palestinian state should look like. Israel’s leaders have shown no willingness to agree to any peace deal that will result in defined borders. Further conflict looks inevitable. Despite that, there is a fresh approach out of the current political impasse. It builds that case on four main ideas.

The first is that it there can be no precisely agreed deal that would settle it. The best that can be achieved at this time is to work to build the conditions for dialogue that stand a chance of discovering a new way forward to peace.

At the moment, the future for Palestine is decided by Israel and is essentially closed. It has to be prised free of the Israeli grip for new possibilities within it to be realised.

Secondly, a peaceful resolution of this conflict necessarily involve social and political changes not only in Israel and the occupied and besieged territories of Palestine but also in the societies of the West and the Arab world. The key task is to engage citizens critically and democratically with the political life of their countries to build foreign policies and alliances conducive to peace. It is particularly important to press international institutions such as the European Union and the United Nations to change the field of forces and policies that maintain the current status quo.

Thirdly, that the descriptors ‘Israelis’ and ‘Palestinians’ cannot refer to fixed national or cultural identities and stereotypical images of the two peoples condemned to conflict. Each has become what the conflict has made them and both have changed over time. Because of this, there is hope for the future. In the future, ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ can be very different to what they are now.

The fourth idea is that the changes required will be hard won and are needed urgently. They demand a refocusing of public debate about foreign policies onto human rights. The new approach is based on hope rather than fear and the careful political isolation of fanatics. It demands calibrated actions to make Israel pay the costs of its occupation and the destruction caused by its actions. It involves exposing the political deficiencies and ideological hypocrisies of western policies towards the whole Middle East.

Fortunately, there is much to build on and there are people of goodwill on both sides of this conflict who seek a just, mutually beneficial and sustainable solution to it that protects the human rights of all. If the ‘West’ can play a stronger role in releasing both Israelis and Palestinians from the dreadful constraints of occupation, there is no doubt they will find a better way forward to live together.

In a prescient essay he wrote in 193 on the difficulties writers had to write truthfully under Fascism, the German poet and playwright Bertolt Brecht argued that it was vital to expose the avoidable causes of the barbarism people suffered from.⁶ His point was that when the causes were known, they could be opposed. This book invites debate about the barbarism causing the suffering of both Israelis and Palestinians locked as they are in a structure of relationships and power that meets the long-term interests of neither.

Given the amplifying dangers of the conflicts of the Middle East and the failure of the inaptly named and sclerotic peace process in the Israel-Palestine conflict, the call here to debate it in a focused way is not an empty gesture. In the absence of what the sociologist, Karl Mannheim, a Hungarian Jewish academic driven out of Germany in the 1930s and a prescient critic of totalitarianism in the 1940s called a ‘diagnosis of our time’ – and we do lack such a diagnosis – the most important political step that can be taken is to develop one and to open up the road to a better future.

Israeli politicians like to claim to international audiences that peace will only be discovered through unconditional negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians. They add that Israel has no negotiating partner since Palestinians will not recognize the Jewish state of Israel. Until there is a balance of power in the negotiation processes there can be no agreements. Israeli power is inseparable from that of the USA and of its European allies. The policies, strategic alliances, economic ties and carefully cultivated political sympathies that connect them form a matrix of power that makes the continuing oppression of Palestinians possible. It ensures, too, their resistance. Peace will come when this matrix of power is loosened and new options for the future become imaginable. This requires a massive shift in public opinion and sustained efforts to loosen the political grip of the ideological fanatics on the Holy Land and across the Middle East.