| CHAPTER I. | |
| PAGE | |
| The Early Life of John Paul Jones. | |
| His Birth and Childhood.—Residence and Employments in Scotland.—His Studious Habits.—First Voyage to America.—Engaged in the Slave Trade.—Reasons for Abandoning it.—False Charges against him.—His Sensitiveness to Obloquy.—Espouses the Cause of the Colonies.—Developments of Character.—Extracts from his Letters. | 9 |
| CHAPTER II. | |
| The Infant Navy. | |
| Rescuing the Brigantine.—Commissioned as Captain.—Escape from the Solway.—Conflict with the Milford.—Adventures at Canso and Madame.—Return with Prizes.—Expedition to Cape Breton.—Wise Counsel of Jones.—Brilliant Naval Campaign.—Saving the Prizes.—Value of the Mellish.—Mission to France.—Disappointment.—Sails with the Ranger. | 32 |
| CHAPTER III. | |
| Bearding the British Lion. | |
| Aid from France.—Plan for the Destruction of the British Fleet.—The American Flag Saluted.—Bold Movement of Captain Jones.—Cruise along the Shores of England.—Capture of Prizes.—Salutary Lessons given to England.—Operations in the Frith of Clyde.—At Carrickfergus.—Attempt upon the Drake.—Burning the Shipping at Whitehaven.—Capture of the Plate of Lord Selkirk. | 56 |
| CHAPTER IV. | |
| Captain Jones at Nantes and at Brest. | |
| Correspondence with Lord Selkirk.—Terrible Battle with the ship Drake.—Capture of the ship.—Carnage on board the Drake.—Generosity to Captured Fishermen.—Insubordination of Lieutenant Simpson.—Embarrassments of Captain Jones.—Hopes and Disappointments.—Proofs of Unselfish Patriotism.—Letter to the King of France.—Anecdote of Poor Richard. | 78 |
| CHAPTER V. | |
| Cruise of the Bon Homme Richard. | |
| Plans of Lafayette.—Correspondence.—Humane Instructions of Franklin.—Proposed Invasion of England.—Sailing of the Squadron.—Conduct of Pierre Landais.—The Collision.—Adventures of the Cruise.—Insane Actions of Landais.—Plan for Capture.—Plan for the Capture of Leith and Edinburgh. | 100 |
| CHAPTER VI. | |
| The Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis. | |
| Leith Threatened.—The Summons.—Remarkable Prayer.—Wide-spread Alarm.—Continuation of the Cruise.—Insubordination of Landais.—Successive Captures.—Terrible Battle between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis.—The Great Victory. | 123 |
| CHAPTER VII. | |
| Result of the Victory. | |
| Dreadful Spectacle.—Sinking of the Bon Homme Richard.—Escape of the Baltic Fleet.—Sails for the Texel.—Interesting Correspondence.—Sufferings of the American Prisoners.—Barbarity of the English Government.—Humanity of Captain Jones.—The Transference from the Serapis to the Alliance.—Extracts from the British Press.—Release of Prisoners. | 148 |
| CHAPTER VIII. | |
| Commodore Jones at Court. | |
| Offer of a Privateersman.—Indignant Reply.—The Renown of Commodore Jones.—Successful Retreat.—Cruise through the Channel.—Poetic Effusion.—Enters Corunna.—Letter to Lafayette.—Embarrassed Finances of Franklin.—Intrigues of Landais.—His Efforts to Excite Mutiny.—Testimony against him.—Commodore Jones at Court. | 172 |
| CHAPTER IX. | |
| The Mutiny of Landais. | |
| The Visit of Jones to Versailles.—Intrigues of Landais.—The Alliance Wrested from Jones.—Complicity of Arthur Lee.—Magnanimity of Jones.—Strong Support of Dr. Johnson.—Honors Conferred upon Jones.—Strange Career of Landais.—His Life in America, and Death.—Continued Labors and Embarrassments of Jones.—His Correspondence. | 193 |
| CHAPTER X. | |
| The Return to America. | |
| Fitting the Ariel.—Painful Delays.—The Sailing.—Terrible Tempest.—The Disabled Ship.—Puts back to L’Orient.—The Second Departure.—Meets the Triumph.—Bloody Naval Battle.—Perfidious Escape of the Triumph.—The Ariel Reaches America.—Honors Lavished upon Jones.—Appointed to Build and Command the America.—Great Skill Displayed.—The Ship given to France.—The Launch. | 214 |
| CHAPTER XI. | |
| The War Ended. | |
| Promise of the South Carolina.—A New Disappointment.—The Great Expedition Planned.—Magnitude of the Squadron.—The Appointed Rendezvous.—Commodore Jones Joins the Expedition.—His Cordial Reception.—Great Difficulties and Embarrassments.—The Rendezvous at Port Cabella.—Tidings of Peace.—Return to America.—New Mission to France. | 236 |
| CHAPTER XII. | |
| The Difficulties of Diplomacy. | |
| Courteous Reception in Paris.—Compliment of the King.—Principles of Prize Division.—Embarrassing Questions.—Interesting Correspondence.—The Final Settlement.—Modest Claims of Commodore Jones.—Plan for a Commercial Speculation.—Its Failure.—The Mission to Denmark.—Return to America. | 258 |
| CHAPTER XIII. | |
| The Mission to Denmark. | |
| Letter to Mr. Jefferson.—The Marquise de Marsan.—Unfounded Charges and Vindication.—Flattering Application from Catherine II.—His Reception at the Polish Court.—Jones receives the Title of Rear-Admiral.—English Insolence.—Letter of Catherine II. | 280 |
| CHAPTER XIV. | |
| The Russian Campaign. | |
| Admiral Jones repairs to the Black Sea.—Designs of Catherine II.—Imposing Cavalcade.—Turkey Declares War against Russia.—Daring Conduct of Admiral Jones.—A Greek Officer AlexianoAlexiano.—The Prince of Nassau Siegen.—Annoyances of Admiral Jones from Russian Officers.—Battle in the Black Sea.—Jones yields the Honor to the Prince of Nassau. | 298 |
| CHAPTER XV. | |
| Adventures in the Black Sea. | |
| The First Battle.—Folly of the Prince of Nassau.—Inefficiency of the Gun-boats.—Burning of the Greek Captives.—Humanity of Jones.—Alienation between the Admiral and the Prince of Nassau.—The Second Conflict.—Annoyances of the Admiral.—Hostility of the English.—Necessary Employment of Foreign Seamen.—Disgrace of Nassau.—Transference of the Admiral to the Baltic. | 316 |
| CHAPTER XVI. | |
| Retirement and Death. | |
| The Return to Cherson.—Sickness and Sadness.—Oczakow Stormed.—The Wintry Journey to St. Petersburg.—Mental Activity.—Calumniated by the English.—The Admiral’s Defence.—Slanderous Accusation.—His Entire Acquittal.—Testimony of Count Segur.—Letter to the Empress.—Obtains Leave of Absence.—Returns to France.—Life in Paris.—Sickness and Death. | 337 |
His Birth sand Childhood.—Residence and Employments in Scotland.—His Studious Habits.—First Voyage to America.—Engaged in the Slave Trade.—Reasons for Abandoning it.—False Charges against Him.—His Sensitiveness to Obloquy.—Espouses the Cause of the Colonies.—Developments of Character.—Extracts from his Letters.
In the lonely wilds of Scotland there was, about the middle of the last century, a secluded hamlet called Arbingland. There was a respectable gardener there by the name of John Paul. He had a son born on the 6th of July, 1747, to whom he gave his own name of John. His humble cottage was near the shores of Solway Frith. Young John Paul, like most energetic lads who live within sound of the ocean surge, became impassioned with longings for a sailor’s life. When twelve years of age he was sent across the bay to Whitehaven, in England, then quite an important seaport. Here he was apprenticed to Mr. Younger, who was quite extensively engaged in the American trade.
The daily intercourse of John with the seamen inspired him with a strong desire to visit the New World. He had received a good common-school education, such as Scottish boys generally enjoyed at that time, and was also so eager for intellectual improvement that all his leisure time was given to study. He particularly devoted himself to the acquisition of a thorough knowledge of the theory of navigation. He even studied French. Often at midnight, when many of his companions were at a carouse, he was found absorbed with his books.
When John was thirteen years of age he embarked, as a sailor, on board the ship Friendship, bound for the Rappahannock, in Virginia, for a cargo of tobacco. He had an elder brother, William, who had emigrated to this country, and, marrying a Virginia girl, had settled on the banks of the Rappahannock. John had acquired a high reputation at Whitehaven for his correct deportment, his intelligence, and his fidelity in the discharge of every duty. He improved his time so well, while in the employment of Mr. Younger, as to lay the foundation for that eminence, which he could not have obtained but for this education. He could write his own language correctly, and even with considerable force; he was a very respectable French scholar, and there were but few ship-masters who could excel him in the science of navigation.
John Paul was but thirteen years of age when, in the year 1760, he crossed the Atlantic and was cordially welcomed in the humble home of his brother, in one of the most attractive valleys of the world. He was delighted with the entirely new scenes which were here opened before him, and became thoroughly American in his feelings. His first visit was a short one, as he returned with his ship to Whitehaven. Soon after this, Mr. Younger failed in business, and Paul was released from his indentures. Thus the precocious boy, who was already a man in thoughtfulness, energy, and earnestness of purpose, was thrown upon his own resources.
He made several voyages, and at length shipped as third mate on board the ship King George, which was bound to the Guinea Coast of Africa, for slaves. Strange as it now appears, the slave trade was then considered an honorable calling. Men of unquestioned piety, who morning and evening kneeled with their happy children around the family altar, fitted out ships to desolate the homes and steal the children of Africans, and bear them away to life-long slavery. Many a captain, after crowding the hold of his ship with these melancholy victims of his inhumanity, would retire to his cabin, read the precepts of Jesus, “As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise,” and would then kneel in prayer, imploring God’s blessing. And this was not hypocrisy. So strange a being is fallen man.
We have no indications that any compunctions of conscience disturbed John Paul on this voyage. The most illustrious, opulent, and worthy people of England were engaged in the infamous traffic. Of course it was not to be expected that a boy, scarcely emerging from childhood, should develop humanity above that of the generation in the midst of which he was born. The Friendship bore its freight of human victims to the West Indies, where they were sold. He then, when nineteen years of age, shipped at Jamaica, on board the brigantine Two Friends, for Africa, to obtain another cargo of slaves.
It speaks volumes in favor of the intelligence of John Paul, that he became so thoroughly disgusted with the cruelty of the traffic, desolating Africa with the most merciless wars, and tearing husbands from wives, parents from children, that, upon his return to Kingston, he declared that he would have nothing more to do with the traffic forever. His friends unite in giving their testimony to this his resolve, and it is confirmed by the uniform tenor of his subsequent correspondence.
From this his second slaving voyage he embarked for Scotland, as a passenger, on board the brigantine John, under the command of Captain Macadam. On the passage the yellow fever broke out. Both the captain and the mate of the ship died. They were left in the middle of the stormy Atlantic, with none of the crew capable of navigating the ship. Fortunately for all, John Paul assumed the command. The whole crew gratefully recognized his authority. Be it remembered that he had not yet finished his twentieth year. He brought the ship safe into port. The owners, Messrs. Currie, Beck & Co., in recompense of the great service he had rendered them, at once gave him command of a ship both as captain and supercargo. In their employment he sailed for two voyages.
On one of these voyages, Captain Paul was accused of whipping, with undue severity, an insubordinate sailor, by the name of Mungo Maxwell. But a legal investigation absolved him from all blame. The accusation, and the trial which was prolonged through six months, caused Captain Paul great annoyance. The following letter to his mother and sisters reveals his feelings, and much of his character, at that time. He was then but twenty-five years of age.
“My Dear Mother and Sisters,
“I only arrived here last night from the Grenadas. I have had but poor health during the voyage. My success in it not having equalled my first sanguine expectations, has added very much to the asperity of my misfortunes, and, I am well assured, was the cause of my loss of health. I am now, however, better, and I trust Providence will soon put me in a way to get bread, and, which is far my greatest happiness, to be serviceable to my poor but much valued friends. I am able to give you no account of my future proceedings, as they depend upon circumstances which are not fully determined.
“I have enclosed to you a copy of an affidavit made before Governor Young, by the Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty of Tobago, by which you will see with how little reason my life has been thirsted after, and, which is much dearer to me, my honor, by maliciously loading my fair character with obloquy and vile aspersions. I believe there are few who are hard-hearted enough to think I have not long since given to the world every satisfaction in my power, being conscious of my innocence before Heaven, who will one day judge even my judges.
“I staked my honor, life, and fortune, for six long months, on the verdict of a British jury, notwithstanding I was sensible of the general prejudice which ran against me. But, after all, none of my accusers had the courage to confront me. Yet I am willing to convince the world, if reason and facts will do it, that they have had no foundation for their harsh treatment.
“I mean to send Mr. Craik a copy, properly proved, as his nice feelings will not, perhaps, be otherwise satisfied. In the mean time, if you please, you can show him that enclosed. His ungracious conduct to me before I left Scotland I have not yet been able to get the better of. Every person of feeling must think meanly of adding to the load of the afflicted. It is true I bore it with seeming unconcern. But heaven can witness for me that I suffered the more on that very account. But enough of this.”
The Mr. Craik to whom he here refers was a gentleman of property, in whose employment Mr. Paul’s father had formerly been engaged. The whole family were accustomed to look up to him with much reverence. It was perhaps a fault in young Captain Paul that the organ of veneration, as the phrenologists would say, was not, in him, very fully developed. His knees were not supple in bowing before those who were above him in wealth and rank. Mr. Craik had not fancied the independent boy, and was consequently the more ready to believe the charges which were brought against him.
A rumor reached Mr. Paul, while in the West Indies, that the commercial firm in whose service he was sailing was about to close its operations. This would throw him out of employment. He wrote in the following terms to Mr. Craik, whom as a family friend and patron he highly respected. This letter was written a year before the charge for the maltreatment of Mungo Maxwell was brought against him. It was as follows:
“Sir,
“Common report here says that my owners are going to finish their connections in the West Indies as fast as possible. How far this is true I shall not pretend to judge. But should that really prove to be the case, you know the disadvantage I must labor under.
“These, however, would not have been the case had I been acquainted with the matter sooner, as, in that case, I believe I could have made interest with some gentlemen here to have been concerned with me in a large ship out of London. And as these gentlemen have estates in this and the adjacent islands, I should have been able to make two voyages every year, and should always have had a full ship out and home.
“However, I by no means repine, as it is a maxim with me to do my best and leave the rest to Providence. I shall take no step whatever without your knowledge and approbation. I have had several very severe fevers lately, which have reduced me a good deal, though I am now perfectly recovered. I must beg you to supply my mother, should she want anything, as I well know your readiness. I hope yourself and family enjoy health and happiness.
In 1773, John Paul’s brother died, in Virginia. He died childless, and left no will. John repaired to his brother’s former residence to settle the estate. Here, for some reason which has never been satisfactorily explained, he assumed the surname of Jones, so that he ever afterward became familiarly known as Paul Jones. His subsequent achievements became such, that probably that name will never be obliterated from the memories of men. He had acquired considerable property, which he intrusted to agents at Tobago, and it was all lost.
Captain Jones, weary of the wandering life of a sailor and its unsatisfactory results, was now disposed to devote his days to the peaceful pursuits of agriculture and to study, for which he had very strong predilections. In his letters to his friends he often expressed his desire to enter upon a life of “calm contemplation and poetic ease.” Man proposes, God disposes. The tumultuous career into which he was led, was not one which he would have sought for himself. He was almost forced into it by the state of the times.
When in the midst of the stormiest scenes, without a family and without a home, he wrote pensively to the Countess of Selkirk, that duty to his country had compelled him “to sacrifice not only his favorite scheme of life, but the softer affections of his heart, and his hopes of domestic happiness.” His letters all indicate that he was a thoughtful man, one who deeply pondered the mystery of this our earthly being, and who made frank acknowledgment of his moral and religious obligations.
His favorite poet was Thomson; and his “Seasons” he read and re-read. It is not possible that any man of frivolous nature should develop a taste so serious and so elevating. The loss of all his property at Tobago disheartened him, and repelled him from the risks of a commercial life. This probably decided him to settle down as a planter in Virginia, and to remain satisfied with the humble competence of a cultivator of the soil, in a rural home. He wrote to the Hon. Robert Morris:
“I conclude that Mr. Hewes has acquainted you with a very great misfortune which befell me some years ago, and which brought me into North America. I am under no concern whatever, that this, or any other past circumstance of my life, will sink me in your opinion. Since human wisdom cannot secure us from accidents, it is the greatest effort of human wisdom to bear them well.”
From the age of thirteen, America had been the country of his adoption. Increasing years but added to his attachment to the principles of liberty which were being developed here. His innate mental constitution revolted from the feudal subserviency which a haughty aristocracy exacted in Europe. When the struggle was commencing between the mother country and these her infant colonies, Mr. Jones, with all the ardor of his nature, espoused the colonial cause. He then occupied the position of a Virginia gentleman, highly respected for his character and his endowments. The rank of those with whom he was in correspondence indicates his social position. He was not a friendless adventurer, but an intelligent patriot, whose influence was constantly increasing through the sound judgment, the courage, and the spirit of self-sacrifice he was ever exhibiting.
He often expressed deep regret for the painful necessity which compelled him to take up arms against the Government of his native land. But he was struggling for the maintenance of his own rights, and those of his fellow-countrymen, goaded to resist unendurable tyranny. In a letter which he wrote to Baron Vander Capellan, then Dutch minister at the Hague, he says:
“I was indeed born in Britain; but I do not inherit the degenerate spirit of that fallen nation, which I at once lament and despise. It is far beneath me to reply to their hireling invectives. They are strangers to the envied approbation that greatly animates and rewards the man who draws his sword only in support of the dignity of freedom. America has been the country of my fond election from the age of thirteen, when I first saw it. I had the honor to hoist, with my own hands, the flag of freedom, the first time it was displayed on the Delaware, and I have attended it with veneration ever since on the ocean.”
When the war of the Revolution, in 1775, commenced, England had a thousand war-vessels. The colonies had not one. Congress equipped a naval force of five vessels to resist the most powerful naval armament this world has ever known. Paul Jones was appointed first lieutenant of one of these, the ship Alfred. He owed this appointment to the Hon. Joseph Hewes, a member of Congress, and a signer of the Declaration of Independence, who chanced to be acquainted with the rare qualifications of Mr. Jones for the position. Captain Saltonstall commanded the Alfred.
On the 14th of November, 1776, the Alfred, a frigate of 44 guns was lying at anchor off Chestnut Street wharf, in Philadelphia. We had then no national banner. As the commander came on board, Lieutenant John Paul Jones, with his own hands, raised the first American naval flag, under a salute of thirteen guns. This flag, it is said, then consisted of thirteen stripes, emblematic of the thirteen colonies, and a pine-tree with a rattlesnake coiled at the roots, as if about to spring. Underneath was the motto, “Don’t Tread upon Me.” In commemoration of this event, Miss Sherburne wrote an ode, from which we quote two stanzas:
The little squadron, consisting of the ships Alfred and Columbus, the brigantines Andrew Doria and Cabot, and the sloop Providence, sailed from the Bay of Delaware on the 17th of February, 1776, to make a descent on the British Island of New Providence, to seize a quantity of military stores which were deposited in the forts there. The squadron was armed in all with one hundred guns and about one thousand men. Ezekiel Hopkins was commander-in-chief of the fleet. The fleet was not ready to sail until the middle of February. Struggling through vast masses of ice, the vessels passed Cape Henlopen on the 17th of the month.
In this important enterprise John Paul Jones was only a lieutenant. But it should be remarked that there were three grades of lieutenant, and that he was placed at the head of the first grade. He was offered a captain’s commission, to take command of the Providence, which carried twelve guns and one hundred and fifty men. Modestly this extraordinary man declined the responsible position, not deeming himself fully qualified to fill it. Subsequently, in a letter to the Hon. Robert Morris, he wrote:
“When I came to try my skill I am not ashamed to own that I did not find myself perfect in the duties of a first lieutenant. However, I by no means admit that any one of the gentlemen who so earnestly sought after rank and the command, was, at the beginning, able to teach me any part of the duty of a sea-officer. Since that time it is well known there has been no comparison between their means of acquiring military marine knowledge and mine. If midnight study and the instruction of the greatest and most learned sea-officers can have given me advantages, I am not without them. I confess, however, I am yet to learn. It is the work of many years’ study and experience to acquire the high degree of science necessary for a great sea-officer. Cruising after merchant-ships, the service on which our frigates have generally been employed, affords, I may say, no part of the knowledge necessary for conducting fleets and their operations. There is now perhaps as much difference between a single battle between two ships, and an engagement between two fleets, as there is between a single duel and a ranged battle between two armies.”
While the fleet was fitting and manning, Lieutenant Jones had superintended all the affairs on board the Alfred. It was not until a day or two before the squadron sailed that Captain Saltonstall appeared and took the command. On the 4th of March the squadron anchored at Abaco, one of the Bahama Islands, about one hundred miles north from New Providence. On the passage they had captured two small sloops from New Providence. They learned from the crew of these vessels, that the forts were not strongly garrisoned, and that they contained large magazines of all military stores.
The commander was not skilful either as a seaman or a soldier. Through mismanagement the enterprise came near proving a total failure. Jones was born to command. Without any effort on his part, his superior mind and knowledge naturally assumed ascendency. Seeing that all things were going wrong, he suggested sailing round to the west of the island, landing the marines about nine miles from the fort, and then, by a rapid march, to make the assault. Mr. Jones promised himself to pilot the vessels to a safe anchorage. With some reluctance Captain Saltonstall gave his assent. Jones took the pilot with him to the foretopmast-head. From that point they could see every reef and rock, and trace out the channel. The marines landed under cover of the guns. There was no force sufficient to oppose them. Captain Saltonstall, by his injudicious movements, had given ample warning of his approach, so that the governor had found time, during the night, to load two sloops with ammunition and send them away. This might easily have been prevented by ordering the two brigantines to lie off the bar.
The island was surrendered by the governor. The guns, and all the governmental property in the forts, were embarked on board the vessels. All private property was sacredly respected. And this was done when the officers of the English Government were laying our villages in ashes, and hounding on the savages to assail our defenceless frontier with the torch and the tomahawk. The governor and two other military men were brought off as prisoners.
On the return with this booty, of such almost inestimable value to the struggling colonies, the fleet captured two vessels without a struggle, the Hawke, a schooner of six guns, and the brig Bolton, of eight guns. The fleet encountered off Block Island, at the head of Long Island Sound, an English frigate, the Glasgow, of 24 guns. The Alfred mounted 30 guns, the Columbus 28.28. Had there been any skill in military seamanship displayed, the Glasgow could not have escaped this force. The sea was perfectly smooth. Lieutenant Jones was placed between decks to serve the first battery. He could have no voice in the direction of the battle. Whenever his guns could be brought to bear upon the enemy he served them well. Captain Saltonstall, in his official report, testified to his fidelity in duty. The Glasgow escaped. This was our first naval battle. It reflected no credit upon our infant marine. Lieutenant Jones and the whole nation were deeply chagrined by the disgrace of that night. Repressing merited condemnation, he mildly wrote, “It is for the commander-in-chief and the captains to answer for the escape of the Glasgow.”
Two days after the inglorious action the squadron entered the harbor of New London. A court-martial was held to investigate the affair. The account which Lieutenant Jones gave of the engagement, in the log-book of the Alfred, shows a generous and magnanimous mind.
“At 2 A. M. cleared ship for action. At half-past two, the Cabot, being between us and the enemy, began to engage, and soon after we did the same. At the third glass the enemy bore away, and, by crowding sail, at length got a considerable way ahead, and made signals for the rest of the English fleet, at Rhode Island, to come to her assistance, and steered directly for the harbor.
“The commodore then thought it imprudent to risk our prizes, by pursuing farther. Therefore, to prevent our being decoyed into their hands, at half-past six made the signal to leave off chase and haul by the wind to join our prizes. The Cabot was disabled at the second broadside; the captain being dangerously wounded, the master and several men killed. The enemy’s whole fire was then directed at us. An unlucky shot having carried away our wheel-block and ropes, the ship broached to, and gave the enemy an opportunity of raking us with several broadsides before we were again in condition to steer the ship and return the fire.
“In the action we received several shots under water, which made the ship very leaky. We had, besides, the mainmast shot through, and the upper works and rigging very considerably damaged. Yet it is surprising that we only lost the second lieutenant of marines and four men. We had no more than three men dangerously, and four slightly wounded.”
The skill with which the guns of the Alfred were served may be inferred from the fact, that a passenger on board the Glasgow testified that her hull was seriously damaged; that ten shot passed through her mainmast, fifty-two through her mizzen staysail, one hundred and ten through her mainsail, and eighty-eight through her foresail. She had many spars carried away, and her rigging was badly cut to pieces.
This our first naval battle was fought so near the Rhode Island shore, that the report of the guns was heard, and even the flashes were seen by those on the land. The Continental Gazette of May 29, 1776, gives the following quaint account of the conflict, from one who listened to the thunders booming over the waves.
“For several hours before and during the engagement, a vast number of cannon were heard from the southeast. About sunrise eight or ten sail of ships and brigs were seen a little to the eastward of Block Island. Indeed, the flashes of the cannon were seen by some people about daybreak. These things caused much speculation. But in a few hours the mystery was somewhat cleared up; for away came the poor Glasgow, under all the sail she could set, yelping from the mouths of her cannon like a broken-legged dog, as a signal of her being sadly wounded. And though she settled away, and handed most of her sails just before she came into the harbor, it was plainly perceived, by the holes in those she had standing, and by the hanging of her yards, that she had been treated in a very rough manner.”
Though Lieutenant Jones could not be blind to the want of nautical skill displayed in allowing the Glasgow to escape, he did not doubt that the commodore had done the best he could. Not a word of demur escaped his lips. In a letter to Hon. Mr. Hewes, he wrote:
“I have the pleasure of assuring you that the commander-in-chief is respected through the fleet. I verily believe that the officers, and men in general, would go any length to execute his orders.”
Another passage in the same letter throws such light upon the well-balanced and noble character of Lieutenant Jones that I cannot refrain from quoting it. He writes:
“It is certainly for the interests of the service that a cordial interchange of civilities should subsist between superior and inferior officers. Therefore it is bad policy in superiors to behave toward their inferiors as though they were of a lower species. Men of liberal minds, who have long been accustomed to command, can ill brook being thus set at naught by others who pretend to claim the monopoly of sense. The rude, ungentle treatment which they experience, creates such heart-burnings as are nowise consonant with that cheerful ardor and spirit which ought ever to be a characteristic of an officer. Therefore, whoever thinks himself hearty in the service, is widely mistaken when he adopts such a line of conduct in order to prove it. To be well obeyed it is necessary to be esteemed.”
Two courts-martial were held on board the Alfred. The captain of the Providence was dismissed from service. Lieutenant Jones was promoted to the captaincy of that sloop. The little fleet, having received a reinforcement of two hundred men, sailed from Providence, Rhode Island. The vessels having been refitted, it was necessary to enlist more men before any important enterprise could be undertaken. As most of the seamen had enlisted in the army, it was found very difficult to obtain men fit for naval service.
On the 18th of May, Captain Jones, after a passage of thirty-six hours, arrived in New York, where he devoted his time to shipping mariners. He was greatly interested in everything relating to the creation of a navy for the new nation of the United States, just entering into being. He wrote to Hon. Mr. Hewes:
“In my opinion a commander in the navy ought to be a man of strong and well-connected sense; a gentleman, as well as a seaman in theory and in practice. Want of learning, and rude, ungentle manners, are by no means characteristic of an officer.”
Captain Jones, having at length obtained the number of men required, in obedience to orders sailed for New London, where he took from the hospital all the seamen who had been left there sick, but who had recovered, and sailed for Providence, Rhode Island. Scarcely had he arrived there when he received orders from the commander-in-chief to come immediately down Narragansett Bay, to attack an English sloop-of-war, then in sight. He obeyed with alacrity. But the sloop had disappeared before he reached Newport. He was then ordered to Newburyport, to convoy a vessel with a cargo of cannon to New York, and then, returning, to convoy some vessels from Stonington to Newport.
It will be remembered that England then had a fleet of a thousand sail; superior, probably, to all the combined navies of the globe. This was the naval power we were to resist with our poor little squadron of five vessels, mounting in all but one hundred guns. The majestic frigates of the enemy blockaded almost every harbor in the colonies. There were several of these cruising at the eastern entrance of Long Island Sound, to cut of all naval intercourse between the colonies of the Middle and those of the Eastern States.
Rescuing the Brigantine.—Commissioned as Captain.—Escape from the Solway.—Conflict with the Milford.—Adventures at Canso and Madame.—Return with Prizes.—Expedition to Cape Breton.—Wise Counsel of Jones.—Brilliant Naval Campaign.—Saving the Prizes.—Value of the Mellish.—Mission to France.—Disappointment.—Sails with the Ranger.
Captain Jones found all his intelligence, bravery, and nautical skill tested to the utmost, in evading, thwarting, and struggling against the British men-of-war swarming around him. He had several very fierce rencontres with forces superior to his own. One day he saw a foreign vessel (I think it was Spanish), coming from St. Domingo, with a cargo of military stores for the colonies. This brigantine was hotly pursued by the Cerberus, a British man-of-war. The thunders of her bow-guns echoed over the waves, while the balls of solid shot, ricochetting for more than a mile, proclaimed how terrible the bolts which those thunders sent forth.
The courage and nautical skill of Captain Jones rescued the brigantine and her precious cargo. The vessel was afterward purchased by Congress, and named the Hampden. He was then ordered to Boston, whence he convoyed some merchant vessels to Philadelphia. This was indeed an arduous and perilous mission. The war-ships of the enemy were daily arriving off Sandy Hook, under the guidance of Lord Howe. Captain Jones caught sight of several of these ships, which, with a single broadside, could have sunk him. But he had the address to avoid them. On the 8th of August, 1776, he received from John Hancock, President of Congress, his commission as captain. It contained the following words:
“John Paul Jones, Esq.
“We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, valor, conduct, and fidelity, do, by these presents, constitute and appoint you to be captain in the navy of the United States, fitted out for the defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof. You are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty of captain, by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging. And we do strictly charge and require all officers, marines, and seamen, under your command, to be obedient to your orders as captain.”
He then received orders to set out on a cruise of two or three months against the navy of Great Britain. For this enterprise he was furnished with the sloop Providence, which mounted twelve guns, and was manned by but seventy sailors. He was left entirely to his own discretion, not being confined to any particular station or service. Captain Jones sailed from Philadelphia, on this chivalric expedition, the latter part of August, 1776. Not far from the Island of Bermuda he encountered a British frigate, the Solway.
It was like the fox meeting the hound. The only safety was in flight. A chase took place, with a constant interchange of shot. This running fight continued for six hours. Those who are familiar with nautical affairs, will understand the bold measure by which he escaped. He gradually edged away until he brought his heavy adversary upon his weather quarter. Then, putting his helm suddenly up, he stood dead before the wind. At the same moment he threw out all his light sails, with which his little sloop was abundantly furnished. This manœuvre compelled him to pass within pistol-shot of his pursuer. But he knew that he could sail much faster than the frigate, before the wind.
The captain of the Solway was quite unprepared for such a manœuvre. Before he could change his course to imitate it, the Providence had gained such a start as to be soon beyond the reach of the Solway’s guns. Triumphantly the little sloop swept the waves until the discomfited frigate gave up the chase.
Not long after this, as Captain Jones was lying to, on the banks near the Isle of Sables, to allow his men to fish, another large English frigate hove in sight, which proved to be the Milford. Though he had much confidence in the speed of his light little sloop, which, under her cloud of canvas, could almost like a bubble skim the wave, he prudently tried her speed with that of the gigantic foe approaching. Finding that he could easily outstrip her, he tauntingly allowed the Milford to approach to nearly within gun-shot. He then spread his sails, keeping just out of harm’s way.
The frigate rounded to and discharged her broadside. The shot skipped over the waves and sank at some distance before reaching the sloop. After each broadside, Captain Jones, in token of his contempt, ordered his marine officer to return the fire, by the discharge of a single musket. He kept up this burlesque of a battle, causing the frigate to throw away her ammunition, from ten o’clock in the morning till sunset. He then spread all sail and went unharmed on his way.
The next morning he entered the Gut of Canso, which separates the Island of Cape Breton from the mainland. He found three English schooners in the harbor of Canso. He burned one, and sunk another, after having filled the third, a schooner, the Ebenezer, with what fish had been found in the other two. Here he learned that at the Island of Madame, near by, on the east side of the Bay of Canso, there were nine British vessels, consisting of brigs, ships, and schooners. He sent boats, well armed, to destroy them, while he kept off and on with his sloop, ready to punish severely any attempt to rescue the shipping.
The enterprise was entirely successful, and, as no opposition was made, it was bloodless. These vessels had transferred their cargoes to the shore, and were unrigged. It would take some time to fit them for sea. Despatch was of the utmost importance. Captain Jones humanely, and very wisely, informed the crews of these vessels, that if they would cordially assist him in rigging and fitting out such vessels as he required, he would leave them vessels sufficient to cross the Atlantic to their own homes.
Though the British officers were generally very bitter in their hostility to the colonial cause, it was not so with the masses of the English people. There was in their hearts an underlying feeling of sympathy with the brave colonists who were struggling against intolerable oppression. These English sailors, therefore, heartily joined their American brothers, and assisted, with the utmost energy, until the business was accomplished.
On the evening of September 25th, a violent tempest arose, with deluging rain. Captain Jones was compelled to cast anchor at the entrance of the harbor, where, with both his anchors and whole cables ahead, he with difficulty rode out the storm. One of the prize ships, the Alexander, which was just ready for sea, anchored under the shelter of a projecting point of rocks, and thus narrowly escaped destruction. Another of the prizes, a schooner, called the Sea-Flower, with a valuable cargo, was torn from her moorings and driven ashore, a total wreck. As she could not be got off the next day, she was set on fire. The schooner Ebenezer, which he had brought from Canso, laden with fish, was driven on a reef of sunken rocks, and totally lost. With great difficulty the crew saved themselves on a raft.
Toward noon of the 26th this fierce gale began to abate. The British ship Adventure he burned in the harbor. He then put to sea, taking with him three heavily laden prizes, the ship Alexander, and the brigantines Kingston and Success.
The fishery at Canso and Madame he thus effectually destroyed. He left behind him two small schooners and one brig, to convey the British seamen, about three hundred in number, back to their homes. He said, “Had I not done this, I should have stood chargeable with inhumanity.”
This bold enterprise was indeed bearding the lion in his den. It woke up the British Government to a new sense of the vigor of that worm which it supposed was squirming helplessly beneath its feet. It taught the proud Court of St. James that in war there were blows to be received as well as blows to be given. These acts seem cruel. But “war,” says General Sherman, “is cruelty. You cannot refine it.”
While England was wantonly laying our villages in ashes, and driving women and children in homelessness and starvation into the fields, Captain Jones spared all private property on the land. He only seized or consigned to destruction that private property afloat