Table of Contents
On the Couch with Manfred Kets de Vries
Title Page
Copyright Page
Dedication
Acknowledgements
PREFACE
PSYCHOANALYSIS AND ORGANIZATIONAL LIFE
FIRST CASE: AN ENTREPRENEUR
THE CLINICAL PARADIGM
ABOUT THIS BOOK
PART I - LEADERS, FOOLS, AND IMPOSTERS
PLAYING THE ORGANIZATIONAL FOOL
CHAPTER 1 - THE ENTREPRENEURIAL PERSONALITY
INTRODUCTION
ENTREPRENEURSHIP: VIEWS FROM OTHER DISCIPLINES
COMMON PSYCHOLOGICAL THEMES IN THE ENTREPRENEURIAL PERSONALITY
THE EFFECTS OF FAMILY DYNAMICS
CASE STUDY: THE ENTREPRENEUR’S STORY
FALLING INTO EXTREMES
THE MEDUSA WOMEN
THE MEANING OF WORK
COMPETITION AND SELF-DEFEATING BEHAVIOR
THE SYMBOLIC NATURE OF THE ENTERPRISE
THE PROCESS OF CHANGE
THE ENTREPRENEURIAL LIFE CYCLE
WORKING EFFECTIVELY WITH ENTREPRENEURS
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 2 - THE HYPOMANIC PERSONALITY
INTRODUCTION
THE DIONYSIAN QUALITY OF CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP
CASE STUDY: HYPOMANIA IN ACTION
ELATION AND ITS VICISSITUDES
MANAGING A HYPOMANIC
HYPOMANIA IN THE WORKPLACE
POSSIBLE INTERVENTIONS
SELF-HELP MEASURES
THE PLUS SIDE FOR ORGANIZATIONS
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 3 - THE ALEXITHYMIC EXECUTIVE
INTRODUCTION
THE ‘DEAD FISH ’ SYNDROME
IDENTIFYING ALEXITHYMIA
ALEXITHYMIA AS A COMMUNICATION DISORDER
WHERE DO THE ORIGINS OF ALEXITHYMIA LIE?
DEGREES OF ALEXITHYMIA
ALEXITHYMICS IN THE WORKPLACE
THE ALEXITHYMIC CEO
WORKING WITH AN ALEXITHYMIC MANAGER
MANAGING AN ALEXITHYMIC
SEARCHING FOR SOLUTIONS
ENDNOTE
CHAPTER 4 - THE IMPOSTOR SYNDROME
INTRODUCTION
WHAT MAKES AN IMPOSTOR?
THE CREATIVE ARTIST AS IMPOSTOR
THE IMPOSTOR AS NATIONAL LEADER
THE IMPOSTOR: A CHARACTER SKETCH
ENDNOTE
CHAPTER 5 - NEUROTIC IMPOSTORS: FEELING LIKE A FAKE
INTRODUCTION
WHAT CREATES IMPOSTUROUS FEELINGS?
THE NEUROTIC IMPOSTOR IN THE WORKPLACE
HOW THE FEAR CAN BECOME A REALITY
HOW NEUROTIC IMPOSTORS CAN IMPACT ON BUSINESSES
FINDING SOLUTIONS
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 6 - THE ORGANIZATIONAL FOOL: BALANCING A LEADER’S HUBRIS
INTRODUCTION
THE ROLE OF THE FOOL
THE FOOL AS CULTURAL HERO
THE BENEFITS OF HUMOR
WHAT MAKES A FOOL?
THE ORGANIZATIONAL FOOL
THE VALUE OF THE FOOL
ENDNOTE
PART II - THE PATHOLOGY OF LEADERSHIP
CHAPTER 7 - PRISONERS OF LEADERSHIP
INTRODUCTION
EXTERNALIZING INNER CONFLICTS
THE SEARCH FOR AUTHORITY
REGRESSIVE GROUP PROCESSES
DISTANCE AND AGGRESSION IN LEADERS
MANAGING LEADERS’ BEHAVIOR IN ORGANIZATIONS
ENDNOTES
CHAPTER 8 - THE SPIRIT OF DESPOTISM: UNDERSTANDING THE TYRANT WITHIN
INTRODUCTION
SETTING THE SCENE FOR TYRANNY
WHAT MOTIVATES TYRANTS?
HOW TYRANNIES OPERATE
HOW DESPOTIC REGIMES ARE MAINTAINED
THE DESPOT’S TOOLBOX
THE ECONOMIC COSTS OF TYRANNY
THE NEED FOR DEMOCRACY
THE DANGERS OF POWER
WHY DESPOTISM MUST BE FOUGHT
UNJUST DESERTS
JUDICIAL REMEDY
THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT
ENDNOTE
CHAPTER 9 - LEADERSHIP BY TERROR: FINDING SHAKA ZULU IN THE ATTIC
INTRODUCTION
THE LIFE AND DEATH OF AN ABSOLUTE DESPOT
DECONSTRUCTING THE DESPOT’S INNER THEATER
THE COLLUDING MIND
A TYRANNY OF SELF-DECEPTION
LEADERS AND FOLLOWERS
SHAKA’S LEGACY
ENDNOTE
PART III - TRANSFORMING LEADERSHIP
CHAPTER 10 - ‘DOING AN ALEXANDER ’: LESSONS ON LEADERSHIP BY A MASTER CONQUEROR
INTRODUCTION
THE LIFE OF ALEXANDER
ALEXANDER’S LEGACY
LESSONS IN LEADERSHIP À LA ALEXANDER
CONCLUSIONS
ENDNOTE
CHAPTER 11 - LEADERS WHO MAKE A DIFFERENCE
INTRODUCTION
THE EFFECTS OF LEADERS ON THEIR ORGANIZATIONS
DIFFERENT LEADERS, SAME RESULTS
THE ARCHITECTURAL ASPECT OF LEADERSHIP
THE CHARISMATIC ROLE OF LEADERS
CONCLUSIONS
ENDNOTE
CHAPTER 12 - REAPING THE WHIRLWIND: MANAGING CREATIVE PEOPLE
INTRODUCTION
CHARACTERISTICS OF CREATIVE PEOPLE
STIMULATING CREATIVITY
PLAYING IN A TRANSITIONAL WORLD
TWO ROADS TO CREATIVITY
CREATIVE MANAGEMENT
WATCHING FOR THE DANGER SIGNS
ENDNOTE
PART IV - LEADERSHIP IN A GLOBAL CONTEXT
CHAPTER 13 - THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE LEADER WITHIN THE GLOBAL CORPORATION
INTRODUCTION
A CASE STUDY IN INTERNATIONALIZATION
FORMS OF GLOBAL ORGANIZATIONS
QUALITIES NEEDED IN GLOBAL LEADERS
TRAINING, TRANSFER, TEAMWORK, AND TRAVEL
A FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYZING THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE GLOBAL LEADER
CONCLUSIONS
ENDNOTE
CHAPTER 14 - IN SEARCH OF THE NEW EUROPEAN BUSINESS LEADER
INTRODUCTION
THE CHALLENGE OF DIVERSITY
INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL COMPETITION
IS A SINGLE MODEL POSSIBLE?
A MIDDLE PATH
THE MAKING OF THE EUROPEAN LEADER
LEADERSHIP IN EUROPE AND BEYOND
ENDNOTE
CHAPTER 15 - LESSONS FROM THE ‘WILD EAST’: RUSSIAN CHARACTER AND LEADERSHIP
THE RUSSIAN CHARACTER
CONTEXTUAL FACTORS IN THE FORMATION OF THE RUSSIAN CHARACTER
RUSSIA’S TRANSITION: FROM COOPERATIVES TO CAPITALISM
NEW LEADERS AND NEW FOLLOWERS
EIGHT LEADERSHIP LESSONS
CHALLENGES FOR GLOBAL RUSSIAN BUSINESS LEADERS
THE END OF THE BEGINNING
ENDNOTES
CONCLUSION: CREATING HIGH-COMMITMENT ORGANIZATIONS
REFERENCES
INDEX
On the Couch with Manfred Kets de Vries
On the Couch with Manfred Kets de Vries offers an overview of the author’s work spanning four decades, a period in which Manfred F. R. Kets de Vries has established himself as the leading figure in the clinical study of organizational leadership.
The three books in this series contain a representative selection of Kets de Vries’ writings about leadership from a wide variety of published sources. They cover three major themes: character and leadership in a global context; career development; and leadership in organizations. The original essays were all written or published between 1976 and 2008. Updated where appropriate and revised by the author, they present a digest of the work of one of today’s most influential management thinkers.
Published Titles
Refl ections on Character and Leadership
Forthcoming Titles
Refl ections on Leadership and Career Development
Refl ections on Organizations
To my brother Florian—
the intimacy of our many shared memories
has been a source of great solace.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book is the first in a three-part series, On the Couch with Manfred Kets de Vries. It grew out of an idea from my long -term editor, Sally Simmons, who suggested three years ago that it was time for me to think about putting together a sort of ‘collected works.’ The first incarnation of the book was dauntingly long but after many months and revisions, the material, following a logic of its own, has fallen more or less naturally into the collection of essays here. While most of the chapters in this book are based on previously published material (the original sources are given in each chapter), it has all been substantially revised and updated, although I have retained the period feel of some articles where appropriate.
Although it is ostensibly me on the couch, there are others clustered round waiting their turn—collaborators in some of the original articles—to whom I owe thanks. They are Elizabeth Florent-Treacy, Konstantin Korotov, Christine Mead, Stanislav Shekshnia, and Abraham Zaleznik.
As always, I am pleased to have the opportunity to acknowledge the invaluable help and support of Sheila Loxham, my assistant, whose cheerfulness, good humor and good sense never fail—despite being sorely tested in a year when serious injury and subsequent lengthy recovery have made me occasionally less than sunny to be around.
In the 20 years that I have known and worked with her, Sally Simmons has become more than herself and is now a company, Cambridge Editorial Partnership. I would like to thank the members of her team who have worked on this book: Carol Schaessens, whose efforts at confl ating a huge amount of material were so successful that not even I can see the join, and Mary Conochie, who patiently retyped chapters that could be sourced only from hard copy. As for Sally herself, I have previously described her as ‘an editor’s editor,’ ‘an unusual editor,’ and on one occasion as ‘the last woman standing.’ She has supplied many of the drum rolls and fanfares in this book but perhaps her most valuable contribution has been to help me see material with which I had been over-familiar through fresh eyes.
PREFACE
PSYCHOANALYSIS AND ORGANIZATIONAL LIFE
I am often asked why I have done so much work on entrepreneurs, when the world of work has always been under-studied in psychoanalytic literature, and the answer is very simple. I come from a family of entrepreneurs: my father is an entrepreneur and my brothers are entrepreneurs, all in different businesses. But I was never drawn that way myself, largely because, for mysterious reasons, my father thought that I was unsuited to the business world, which of course turned somewhat into a self-fulfilling prophecy. I decided to go in another direction. I began by studying chemical and mechanical engineering, both of which lasted an exceptionally short time. Then, making a rather negative choice, I decided to study economics, as a way of keeping my options open. I always felt, to quote the great economist John Maynard Keynes, that it really was a dismal science. The concept of the homo economicus always bothered me, the reason being that the assumptions made by economists about people were so far from the reality embodied by the entrepreneurs in my family. The way they made decisions was anything but rational. They were very talented, however, at rationalizing their decisions after the fact.
When I was 16, my father had sent me to the Harvard Summer School, which was a fantastic experience—the diversity of people was very exciting, much more so than university life turned out to be in Holland. While studying, I told myself that I would go back to the States one day, and I did. I returned to the USA after I’d finished my doctoral examination in economics in Holland, by which time I had realized that I had the potential to be some kind of an academic. I decided to take time out traveling and booked a place on a Norwegian freighter. It was a very cheap way to cross the Atlantic—my father was a good client of the freight company—but also an extremely boring crossing of which the only highlight was a storm. When the boat docked in Boston I couldn’t get off it quickly enough. Out of pure nostalgia I visited Harvard again, this time including the Business School. I was curious about the programs and courses they were offering. I discovered the school was running a sort of ‘ missionary’ program—the International Teachers Program—intended to spread the Harvard case -method all round the world. I was still thinking vaguely about joining the corporate world—banking would be an option—at this stage but I saw this program as a chance to spend a year at Harvard. During the interview process, the program director of the International Teachers Program mentioned an unusual course being given by Abraham Zaleznik, who had a chair in what was then called Social Psychology of Management, something of a misnomer, given the strong psychoanalytic focus of the course. The seminar he suggested I should take was ‘ Psychoanalytic psychology and organizational theory.’ I decided to enroll—and it changed my life.
I still remember that our first assignment was to read Ernest Jones’s biography of Sigmund Freud, which consisted of two pretty impressive tomes. In spite of my relatively poor English, I read all the material over one weekend and I was probably the only person on the seminar who bothered to do so. The course was quite exciting for a budding business economist as it included case studies such as ‘The Wolfman, ’ ‘ The Ratman,’ and ‘The Psychotic Dr Schreber,’ quite different from the material you get in an economics course. With hindsight, I would now question the validity of some of Freud’s case interpretations, but at the time they brought me into a completely different world and stimulated my fantasy life. Suddenly I saw a lot of new connections in literature, film, and art: it was like having an additional lens, moving from a two-dimensional to a three-dimensional world. In addition, I was living in a foreign country, with all the mental turmoil that accompanies that sort of temporary life, which deepened the experience. Certainly, it affected my dream life. Because my life experiences were so different, I paid a lot of attention to my inner world. I did a lot of dream analysis to get a better understanding of myself.
It was during this time that I began to play with the idea of integrating the worlds of clinical psychology (i.e. psychoanalysis) and management. When Zaleznik offered me a position as his assistant, the direction I was heading in was confirmed. In addition, I was accepted into the doctoral program at the Harvard Business School, although I was also advised to do an MBA. The thinking was that if I didn’t make it through the doctorate, I’d at least have the MBA to fall back on. It turned out that the International Teachers Program covered the second year of the MBA so, ironically, I did the first year’s course of the MBA in my second year. Looking back, Harvard was an extremely important learning experience. Being in one class section with a hundred extremely competitive individuals helped me understand and learn to speak the language of executives.
My doctoral dissertation under Zaleznik was on entrepreneurship; I finished it extremely fast and almost immediately my writing career started. Roland Christensen, a delightful man, and one of my thesis advisers, asked me to write a short excerpt on entrepreneurship from my thesis as a student note to use in his classes, and various articles followed. In addition, I was involved with Zaleznik in a very large research project on individual and organizational stress. At the same time, I became interested in starting some form of psychoanalytic training. As I became more familiar with psychoanalysis as a method of investigation, I experienced a need to deepen my clinical expertise. Without such exposure, I felt that the application of theoretical ideas to organizations would be a rather barren exercise. I decided I wanted to become a psychoanalyst. But with my background in economics and business administration I would be a very atypical candidate for a psychoanalytic training institute, particularly as the psychoanalytic world in the USA at the time was very medically oriented. And I had to deal with another problem: to be accepted at an institute was one thing, but I would also have to pay for the training. To do that, I needed a job. It wasn’t so easy to get an interesting job in the Boston area. I knew that for a number of political reasons—Zaleznik not belonging to a specific area—there would be no offer forthcoming from the Harvard Business School. Joining Zaleznik was great as a learning experience but had not been a very smart political move.
I decided to go to France where the Institut européen d’administration des affaires (INSEAD) was getting off the ground. A dean had been hired to build a faculty. I also felt that France would give me the chance to pursue my wish to become a psychoanalyst, as they were more relaxed about accepting people with more unorthodox backgrounds. At the same time, I started psychoanalysis with Joyce McDougall, one of the most famous, and original, psychoanalysts in the world. My stay at INSEAD lasted for two years. To put it bluntly, I was fired. The reasons were never made very clear to me, but the school’s financial problems were one of them. It probably didn’t help that I was not very subtle presenting my ideas about how the functioning of the school could be improved, suggestions that were not wholly appreciated. When I worked out that I was being fired—the dean was quite evasive about it—I protested about the reasons given for my dismissal and the way it was handled, which led to a protest by other faculty members (fearful who would be next in line, as there was no system of due process) and ultimately to the establishment of a faculty evaluation committee that ensured that hiring and firing would no longer be a flavor-of-the-week process. Ironically, INSEAD made me an offer a year after they sacked me, but I turned it down. Looking back, getting fired turned out to be a lucky experience for me, as it contributed to interesting learning opportunities.
I returned to the Harvard Business School as a research fellow for one year, joining the Production and Operations Management area. I worked for a man called Wickham Skinner who wanted my help writing case studies with a human touch. I hoped, now that I was back at HBS, that I would be offered a longer-term appointment. But for a number of reasons it was not to be. Having received the highest teaching rating at the school may have been a black mark against me. Obviously, I could not be a researcher. But the most telling lesson was that the Organizational Behavior area was blocking Zaleznik from making tenure track appointments. In addition, the opinion of one of the power holders in the Organizational Behavior department was that I would never write anything. That particular person must have had a very good understanding of human behavior. One of the small pleasures in life is doing something people say you’ll never do. I believe this is my twenty -ninth book. I have always thought that academics are masters in character assassination.
Luckily, Henry Minzberg was more visionary than Jay Lorsch and had another view on the matter. At the time he was looking for faculty members who didn’t fit the standard OB mold. I was certainly part of that group of misfits. He offered me a position at McGill in Canada. The Faculty of Management was relatively new and offered many growth possibilities. What also attracted me to Montreal was that it had a very open -minded psychoanalytic training institute. I was particularly attracted to Maurice Dongier, at the time the head of psychiatry and the director of the Allen Memorial Institute, a psychiatric think tank. He was adventurous enough to accept me as a candidate for training despite my unorthodox background. He turned out to be the right person for me, at the right time. Not only did he give me many insights but he also became a very good friend.
Anyone who goes through this sort of training faces a real dilemma about what direction to go to afterwards. I thought clinical work was interesting—but there were an awful lot of psychoanalysts about. Very few psychoanalysts, however, really understood organizational life. That’s where I thought I could make a real contribution with my clinical training.
FIRST CASE: AN ENTREPRENEUR
I started my psychoanalytical training in the 1970s and by the end of that decade I was ready to take on my first patients. Lo and behold, my first patient was an entrepreneur: this was an extremely rare opportunity as entrepreneurs rarely go on the couch; they are far too busy running around. But this man was in bad shape, in the grip of a real -life soap opera—his wife had deserted him, he felt his company was falling apart, and he was estranged from his children. In addition, he had a number of psychosomatic symptoms: teary eyes that blurred his vision and permanent mouth ulcers—classic stress symptoms. I don’t think the psychiatrist who referred him to me meant to do me a favor. I’ m fairly sure he thought the patient was too much of a challenge. But I interviewed him and saw him as an interesting patient (particularly given my interest in entrepreneurs), so I thought why not? One of the things I noted when I first met him was that he seemed to be subject to an ‘anniversary reaction, ’ that is, the anxiety that some people feel when they reach the age at which one of their parents died. My patient was approaching the age his father had been when he died in a mental hospital. His father ’s illness had been kept very secret by the family. My patient thought that something similar would soon happen to him. This delusionary idea contributed to the process of unconscious self-destruction in which he appeared to be engaged.
The psychoanalytic process got off to a flying start. My patient improved by the week. He thought he had been given a miracle cure, because he felt so much better after only six weeks. In addition, the company was doing so much better. His relationship with his wife and children had also improved. And his psychosomatic symptoms had disappeared. Given the impatience of entrepreneurs, it came as no surprise that he wanted to quit. This is what is sometimes called a ‘ flight into health. ’ It was not easy to persuade him that more work needed to be done. But I managed to convince him to continue. In fact, I saw that patient five times a week for four years, admittedly quite a long time for an entrepreneurial type.
This story has a nice epilogue. My patient was always very grateful for the way I helped him. He kept in touch with me, writing to me to let me know how he was doing. A few years ago, he called me. He told me that his wife had died, and he had decided to write his autobiography. As he’d needed help with the writing, he had taken on a ghost writer. What began as a professional relationship turned into something more. He had married her, and they were living happily ever after in Florida. He was still working on his autobiography, and he wanted me to write a little part about him, which I did. As a matter of interest, he is still in contact with me.
Seeing someone five times a week for four years puts things in a very different perspective from having only one interview with someone, which is usually the situation when you are writing a case study. Listening to someone every day, you can follow closely the way certain decisions unfold. The interplay of this entrepreneur’s fantasies, daydreams and dreams in the decision -making process was fascinating. Why he took certain actions, and how he rationalized those actions afterwards, was an intriguing process to follow. Although he was far from an easy case, I could not have been luckier with my first patient. I was also fortunate that my first supervisor was Clifford Scott, a leading figure in psychiatric and psychoanalytic history, and one of the editors of the International Journal of Psychoanalysis. He was one of the pioneering few who started to analyze schizophrenic and bipolar (manic -depressive) patients on a regular basis. My interactions with him convinced me of the difficulties and dangers of basing theories on simplistic survey research or sporadic interviews. It also taught me how far off the mark rational planners are when discussing the way people make decisions. Having had an entrepreneur on the couch helped me truly understand the relationship between the world of the mind and the world of work.
I’ve always been irritated by the fact that the world of work has been largely ignored by psychoanalysts, and still is, which is remarkable considering how much time we all spend at work. Psychoanalysts have studied artists and writers, the boundary between creativity and madness, and so on, but the world of organizations has been neglected. The first serious attempt by a psychoanalyst to study work was at the Tavistock Institute in London in the early part of the twentieth century; then in the 1960s the work of my old mentor Abraham Zaleznik at Harvard and Harry Levinson, who was working at the Menninger Clinic in Topeka, Kansas, began to emerge.
I was intrigued about the way they were working at the boundary of psychoanalysis and organizational life. It was a clarion call to me, given my own studies in the twilight zone of economics, management, and psychoanalysis. Now I view myself as belonging to a second generation of people with a clinical orientation to organizational analysis. Forty years on I have probably become one of the better-known practitioners in this field.
THE CLINICAL PARADIGM
I see my contribution as a very modest one. Hasn’t it been said that we all stand on the shoulders of giants? I see myself as a bridge builder, closing the gap between various disciplines. When I was studying organizational behavior, I thought that too much attention was being given to structures and systems and not enough to the person—the Harvard Business School was certainly oriented toward that trend. I wanted to bring the person back into the organization. It’s my experience that by using the clinical paradigm people have an extra level of magnification through which to look at organizational phenomena. It’s not that other approaches are wrong; but I maintain that people who have a modicum of clinical understanding are generally more astute at interpreting what, at times, can be extremely puzzling phenomena. Out-of-awareness behavior plays an important role in human encounters. Thus using yourself as an instrument can be highly effective. In addition, understanding what drives people helps us understand personality problems better, realize what certain symptoms signify, make sense of interpersonal difficulties, and see through group phenomena and social defenses. A holistic approach to the study of people is needed if we really want to understand people phenomena better.
While stating the importance of the clinical paradigm in organizational work, I like to emphasize that, despite my psychoanalytic training, in my interventions I’m very far from being a classical psychoanalyst. I do whatever works. I want to help people—probably part of the influence of my maternal grandfather, who went out of his way to help people during World War II. And probably as a result of being born during that war, I have always been extremely wary of ideological movements in general, and in the social sciences in particular. In my work, I also draw on cognitive theory, family systems theory, group dynamics, motivational interviewing, neuropsychiatry, and developmental psychology.
An increasing number of people realize that a purely rational model of looking at organizations is unrealistic. While I am myself most comfortable using the clinical paradigm as a springboard, I don’t argue for its pre-eminence compared with other forms of intervention. But I do recommend that all agents of change supplement behavioral or humanistic models of the mind with clinical conceptualizations about intrapsychic and interpersonal issues, like people’s underlying motivational needs, their unconscious processes, defense mechanisms, social defenses, resistance, transferential processes, and the role of character.
ABOUT THIS BOOK
Refl ections on Character and Leadership examines some of the major issues about leadership. What makes a leader? What is good leadership? And what is bad? What happens to organizations if a leader derails? What are the impacts of successful and failed leadership on followers and organizations?
Part 1: Leaders, Fools, and Impostors presents some character types that are thrown into sharp focus against an organizational background. I look closely at the organizational impact—positive and negative—of entrepreneurs, hypomaniacs, alexithymics (those people who seem dead from the neck up), impostors and fools. I examine their behavioral symptoms and the effects of their behavior on other people and the places in which they work. I suggest ways in which various personality types can be managed—and how to cope if you are managed by them.
Part II: The Pathology of Leadership is a collection of observations about what happens when a leader derails and organizations are paralyzed by a culture of fear, mistrust and insecurity. Lessons about toxic organizational leadership are drawn from an extended study of the tyrannical reign of the African king, Shaka Zulu, in the nineteenth century.
Part III: Transforming Leadership turns back once more to the side of the angels. One of the biggest challenges to leaders is how to nurture and contain a climate of creativity within an organization. The chapters in Part III look at the ways in which truly inspirational leaders—from Alexander of Macedon to Branson of Virgin—construct organizations that are great places to work.
Part IV: Leadership in a Global Context addresses what qualities and leadership skills are needed to take organizations to success across cross - cultural boundaries. This part not only discusses salient issues faced by global organizations, but also specific attention is given to Russia. The opening up of Russia to Western business—and the growth of the West as a fruitful market for Russia—has brought a growing number of Russian entrepreneurs onto the global business stage. There is increased awareness of the culture of this fascinating country and the nature of the Russian ‘soul. ’
In the Conclusion, I end with some thoughts on how to create and sustain high-performance organizations.
Manfred Kets de Vries
Paris 2009
PART I
LEADERS, FOOLS, AND IMPOSTERS
INTRODUCTION
In using the characterological approach, the therapist, coach, consultant or other change agent tries to identify a set of interrelated themes—the focus is on patterns that tend to fall together. Certain themes—like certain organizational types—occur frequently in combination. Some people might consider this a negative form of labeling but you can also look at it as a way of being helpful, of defining the treatment of choice for a person. A less stereotypical way of simplifying a complex world is to engage in a thematic analysis, looking at the central themes that permeate a person’s inner theater. Thematic analysis is less constricted—no attempt is made to identify a finite number of character types.
Of course, the identification of character is rarely a clear -cut task. When I enter an organization, I try to keep an open mind. I always have to fight against premature closure. In order to deal with the flow of information that floods me when I enter an organizational system, I have to create a certain amount of transitional space so that I can ‘play’ with the data I am given. I make a great effort to use myself as an instrument.
Many of the stories I heard from executives seemed to me, to borrow Churchill’s famous phrase, like puzzles inside a riddle wrapped in an enigma. I found many confusing, and my confusion made me curious. I wanted to delve deeper to make some sense of the material being presented to me. And it made me realize the extent of my ignorance and the difficulty of understanding certain situations. I had to learn to live with my ignorance, to tolerate ambiguity, and to turn a deaf ear to the sirens of premature closure. This is part and parcel of the clinical process: the client will, in various ways, contribute the kind of material that provides insight into the discontinuities that make for his or her specific behavior. My encounters with leaders brought home to me the infinite ways in which human beings deal with stressful situations, the unique nature of our adaptive capacities, and the danger of getting stuck in vicious circles. Mental health comes down to the ability to choose, to avoid being caught in a repetitive cycle. Mental health means helping the person having more choices.
Let’s face it, in the developed world we could describe about 20% of the population as perfectly all right—nice family, age-appropriate frustration while they were growing up, parents who are kind and supportive, etc.—fantastic. And there are 20% who are unlucky, growing up with violence, abuse, alcoholism, and worse. Some manage to get out of it, because they have a relative, teacher, neighbor, family member—someone who cares about the child, a lucky break that builds up resilience. And then there are the ‘ neurotic’ rest of us, somewhere in the middle.
I am fortunate, in that my observations are based on firsthand encounters I have had over the years with numerous individuals, as part of my psychoanalytic practice and clinical organizational interventions. For example, I met a number of executives whose behavior struck me as mechanical. I became intrigued by the robotic way they dealt with their environment and the inappropriateness of their reactions to stressful situations. When did this behavior begin? What led up to it? Do certain types of organizations contribute to it? My investigations were furthered by research into a clinical phenomenon sometimes called alexithymia—people who seemed to be emotionally illiterate. Then there were the people who appeared to create havoc in their organizations, with their off-the-wall approaches to problem solving and disregard for conventions and other people. How should they be managed so that all that energy would be recognized for what it was, a potentially invaluable resource for creating original solutions and innovation rather than chaos?
I once had a difficult encounter when I could make neither head nor tail of an individual ’s behavior and actions. Eventually I realized that this person had the personality make-up of an impostor. During the period I was in contact with him, I was almost seduced myself by his fantasies and impositions—I was aware of a strong wish to collude with them, to loosen my grip on reality, and to believe his stories, in spite of all the evidence that he was an impostor. This encounter led me to reflect on his manipulative behavior and in turn to investigate more general questions of what makes impostors who they are, and what makes people feel imposturous, a very prevalent condition among the best and the brightest.
At a certain stage in the ‘Challenge of Leadership’ program that I run at INSEAD for top executives, each participant is obliged to take the ‘hot seat’ and present themselves to the others, telling their own story in their own words. It is a challenge to present your life in a structured way, identifying some of the signifying moments that made you the person you are. It is a fantastically cathartic thing to tell your own story with up to 22 people listening to you, but it’s risky and it needs a very skilled facilitator to manage it. Because everyone wants to do this, the end result is a group of people who all have a stake in each other’s personal development; they have in a way touched each other and created a very rich kind of information network. Vicarious listening can be very powerful. And what everyone realizes as a result of this process is, ‘ My God, I’ m not alone.’ I hear this over and over again, the calling card of the neurotic impostor—which is quite different from the real impostor. All those successful, senior people have a mass of insecurities welling up inside them. They are so hard on themselves, putting themselves down, lowering their self-esteem and beating themselves up all the time—must do better, must get better results. I say that everyone is normal until you know them better—but we all have some issues we have to deal with. And it comes out in the end; it’s there for everyone to see.
PLAYING THE ORGANIZATIONAL FOOL
On many occasions I have been asked to present certain painful issues, which have dragged on for years, to the power holders in an organization. These issues have often been put on the back burner for far too long, where they are conveniently forgotten by executives afraid to bear unwelcome news. This is where it ’s useful to know how to play the wise fool (the morosophe) and extend people’s capacity for reality-testing.
The fool I’ m talking about is the age-old figure who acts as a foil for the leader—and every leader needs one. Down through the ages, fools played a traditional role, stabilizing the perspective of kings, emperors, and other rulers. For example, there is the wise Fool in Shakespeare’s King Lear, the guardian of reality for Lear and audience. The fool customarily shows the leader his reflection and reminds him of the transience of power. He uses antics and humor to prevent foolish action and groupthink. Humor humbles. It creates insights. That makes it a very powerful instrument for change. Let me illustrate this with a story: a couple goes to a fair where there’s a large fortune-telling machine. The husband puts in a coin and receives a card telling him his age and what kind of person he is. He reads it out to his wife, smiling smugly: ‘ You’ re brilliant and charming. Women fall all over you. ’ His wife grabs the card from him and turns it over. ‘Oh dear, ’ she says, ‘They got your age wrong, too.’
Leaders in all organizations need someone like this who is willing to speak out and tell the leader how it is. That’s precisely the role of the fool. To be effective, organizations need people with a healthy disrespect for the boss, people who feel free to express emotions and opinions openly, who can engage in give and take. If a leader wants honest feedback, he should ask himself whether he’s created an organization that has room for a fool. Very often, it is a wife or husband who plays this role. Some companies have tried to institutionalize the role, with limited success. Nevertheless, I sometimes see a wise fool operating within an organization.
Typically, it is an older executive, someone who is out of the succession race and no competition for anyone, asking questions that take people by surprise. For example, I was recently in an investment bank and met one particular man who was clearly protected by the chairman, yet for whom I could see no real role. What was so important about him? I realized later that he was the organizational fool. He asked unusual, sometimes disturbing questions, and the chairman tolerated this and encouraged him because it was useful. This man could get away with asking awkward questions because he was no threat to anybody. Nevertheless, he had a very useful function. Once in every seven meetings perhaps he would make an observation that really struck home.
The organizational fool is very much the role I play with my clients. I can say silly or provocative things, try to get people to look at things from different angles, because it’s easier for someone from the outside to do it. Happiness is looking in a mirror and feeling comfortable and at ease in what you see. I am the man with the mirror.
CHAPTER 1
THE ENTREPRENEURIAL PERSONALITY
Entrepreneurship is the last refuge of the trouble-making individual.
—Natalie Clifford Barney
INTRODUCTION
Attitudes toward entrepreneurship have undergone major changes since the Industrial Revolution. Social awareness has replaced individualism as a virtue, and this has had an impact upon the development of entrepreneurship. The coveted individualism of the entrepreneur lost some of its glamor when it started to include exploitation and irresponsibility. Although the era of the Carnegies, the Krupps, and the Rockefellers has passed into history, this doesn’t mean that entrepreneurs are a thing of the past, as just a cursory look at the developments in Russia, India, or China shows. But whatever the era, entrepreneurship is a fascinating phenomenon. People have always been curious about the personality make-up and motivations of the entrepreneur.
So what distinguishes entrepreneurs from other business people? Although it would be difficult to define entrepreneurs as a group, they do have some characteristics in common. Entrepreneurs are achievement-oriented; they like to take responsibility for decisions, and dislike repetitive, routine work. Creative entrepreneurs possess high levels of energy and a great degree of perseverance and imagination, which, combined with a willingness to take moderate, calculated risks, enables them to transform what often begins as a very simple, ill-defined idea into something concrete. Entrepreneurs also have the ability to instill highly contagious enthusiasm in an organization. They convey a strong sense of purpose and, by doing so, convince others that they are where the action is. Whatever it is—seductiveness, gamesmanship, or charisma—entrepreneurs somehow know how to create an organization and give it momentum.
Why Study Entrepreneurs?
Studies of work behavior from a psychotherapeutic or psychoanalytical perspective have been relatively scarce. Most of the existing literature concerns itself with cases of work inhibition or compulsion. Occasionally, one finds a discussion of people in the creative professions. No attention has been paid, however, to entrepreneurs, even though they are major contributors to economic development.
The paucity of clinical material about entrepreneurship in psychoanalytic and psychotherapeutic literature suggests that entrepreneurs are unlikely to turn to psychoanalysts or psychotherapists when they encounter personal difficulties. They are not usually given to the kind of self-reflection and inner orientation called for by the clinical profession. And only in extreme situations (given the amount of time that needs to be invested in it) will they choose psychoanalysis as a form of therapy. Although most of my research on entrepreneurship has been of the more traditional management type (Kets de Vries, 1970, 1977, 1985), I was in fact fortunate enough to have an entrepreneur come to me for psychoanalytic treatment. This gave me the opportunity to study the inner world of one particular entrepreneur in great depth.
In presenting a clinical case study of an executive, I follow a tradition started by a number of other researchers interested in the nature of managerial work. In their search for rich description, these students of executive behavior realized (for pragmatic considerations) that they had to limit their sample size if they really wanted to understand managerial behavior (Carlson, 1951; Stewart, 1967; Mintzberg, 1973; Kotter, 1982; Noel, 1984, 1991). What differentiates my observations from the work of others is that the subject of analysis in others’ studies has been the general manager, not the entrepreneur.
Some of my observations are also based on extensive studies of entrepreneurs operating in a wide range of industries all over the world, including Russia and Asia. My usual entry into their companies was as an expert in strategic human resource management with a special interest in entrepreneurship and family business. Sometimes senior executives asked for my help because they saw my clinical background as useful in untangling complex family and business situations. In a few cases, I played more of a coaching role to the entrepreneur. In many instances I dealt with ‘dramatic’ cases; this needs to be mentioned, as my sample may be biased.
From a clinical point of view, entrepreneurs are interesting people to study. Many have personality quirks that make them difficult to work with. For example, their bias toward action, which makes them act thoughtlessly at times, can sometimes have dire consequences for their organization. It begs the question: What should you look out for if you are considering taking an entrepreneur on board, working for one, or encouraging these people to start new ventures? What are the problems going to be? Where are the pitfalls? How are you going to avoid them? What provisions can you make to accommodate the typical entrepreneur? Do entrepreneurs have more personal problems than other people? In short, what is the anatomy of the entrepreneur? These are all questions that I explore in this chapter.
ENTREPRENEURSHIP: VIEWS FROM OTHER DISCIPLINES
An entrepreneur is usually defined as an individual who is instrumental in the conception and implementation of an enterprise. (The term is derived from the French verb entreprendre—to undertake.) In this process the entrepreneur fulfills a number of functions, which can be summarized as managing/coordinating, innovation, and risk-taking. The latter two in particular characterize the behavior of entrepreneurs. Innovation implies doing things that are out of the ordinary by finding new opportunities. Risk-taking concerns the entrepreneur’s ability to deal with uncertainty and ambiguity—his or her willingness to take economic and psychological risks. Because of the nature of their activities, entrepreneurs are major creators of employment and catalysts of change.
The absence of case material on entrepreneurship in clinical literature stands in stark contrast to the contributions on this subject from other disciplines such as economics, sociology, anthropology, psychology, and organizational theory. Research on entrepreneurship seems to be truly interdisciplinary. This is not surprising: all these different perspectives contribute to a considerable amount of confusion as to what entrepreneurship is all about—and may explain the wide diversity of factors supposedly influencing entrepreneurship.
Sociological and Anthropological Approaches
According to these disciplines a factor such as societal upheaval is considered to have considerable impact in the making of new entrepreneurs. Societal disruptions, which create structural changes in society, contribute to status incongruities, and have repercussions on family life, appear to affect the choice of non-traditional career paths (Hagen, 1962). Other studies indicate that entrepreneurs are more likely to come from ethnic, religious, or other minority groups (Weber, 1958; Sayigh, 1962; Hirschmeier, 1964 ; Kets de Vries, 1970). The experience of feeling ‘different ’ seems to have an important influence on entrepreneurs. If the family of the entrepreneur does not seem to fit into the established order of things, their offspring may have little choice but to create a new niche for themselves in society.
Several writers have described the origins of entrepreneurs in ethnic and religious minority groups. The sociologist Max Weber’s thesis of the Protestant ethic is a familiar example. It is evident that the belief in a value system different from that of society at large can lead to frictions between the family and the outside world. Members of a minority group can be subjected to discrimination, which has repercussions within the family, causing tension and stress, but also makes for new challenges. These minorities will feel less hampered by the complicated social structure of the society they live in, and be more prepared to challenge established patterns. The combination of feeling different from mainstream society, plus not having the same opportunities as the predominant group, may encourage these people to strike out on their own.
There is another prominent feature in the backgrounds of such individuals: in many cases, their fathers were self-employed, perhaps by necessity—they may have had no alternative. Occupations were closed to them because of their ‘difference, ’ which put them under strain. Self-employment, with its uncertainties and socio-psychological risks, will be more familiar to them. Given this familiarity, they may be more prepared (and inclined) to give it a go themselves.
The Economic Perspective
Economists tend to discuss entrepreneurship in terms of a receptive economic climate (Schumpeter, 1931; Knight, 1940; Redlich, 1949; Baumol, 1968). They refer to such factors as favorable tax legislation, the availability of risk capital, a well -functioning banking system, and the existence of ‘incubator’ organizations like those found in Silicon Valley, Route 128 in Boston, or Sophia Antipolis in the south of France.
The Psychological Perspective
Here the emphasis has been on the assessment of specific entrepreneurial traits using a variety of psychological tests (Brockhaus and Horovitz, 1986; Gartner, 1989, Shaver and Scott, 1991). Unfortunately, because of a lack of consistency among instruments used and methodological problems, a very confusing and not always consistent psychological picture emerges.
Among some of the qualities regularly attributed to the entrepreneurial personality we can list high achievement motivation, need for autonomy, power, and independence (McClelland, 1961, 1975, 1987). In addition, some of these studies define entrepreneurs as moderate risk-takers, anxious individuals who are ‘inner directed,’ meaning that they possess an ‘internal locus of control’ (Lefcourt, 1976; Phares, 1976; Shapero, 1975; Brockhaus, 1980; Miller, Kets de Vries, and Toulouse, 1982).1
COMMON PSYCHOLOGICAL THEMES IN THE ENTREPRENEURIAL PERSONALITY
It is not difficult to recognize an element of mythology and legend in articles about entrepreneurship that appear in journals like Fortune magazine, which devote part of each issue to preaching the gospel of enterprise and business leadership. Not surprisingly, the themes of individual success and failure are highly popular; they catch the readers ’ imagination and are empathy-provoking since they awaken the rebellious spirit in each of us. Mythological heroes like Prometheus and Odysseus have now been replaced by that folk hero of the global world, the entrepreneur. He has become the last lone ranger, a bold individualist fighting the environmental odds. He is that individual who after enduring and overcoming many hardships, trials, and business adventures finally seems to have ‘ made it. ’ However, as the stories of many entrepreneurs show us, success is very fragile, and easily followed by failure.