A BRIEF SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT.
M.
Wollstonecraft was born in 1759. Her father was so great a
wanderer,
that the place of her birth is uncertain; she supposed, however, it
was London, or Epping Forest: at the latter place she spent the
first
five years of her life. In early youth she exhibited traces of
exquisite sensibility, soundness of understanding, and decision of
character; but her father being a despot in his family, and her
mother one of his subjects, Mary, derived little benefit from their
parental training. She received no literary instructions but such
as
were to be had in ordinary day schools. Before her sixteenth year
she
became acquainted with Mr. Clare a clergyman, and Miss Frances
Blood;
the latter, two years older than herself; who possessing good taste
and some knowledge of the fine arts, seems to have given the first
impulse to the formation of her character. At the age of nineteen,
she left her parents, and resided with a Mrs. Dawson for two years;
when she returned to the parental roof to give attention to her
mother, whose ill health made her presence necessary. On the death
of
her mother, Mary bade a final adieu to her father's house, and
became
the inmate of F. Blood; thus situated, their intimacy increased,
and
a strong attachment was reciprocated. In 1783 she commenced a day
school at Newington green, in conjunction with her friend, F.
Blood.
At this place she became acquainted with Dr. Price, to whom she
became strongly attached; the regard was mutual.
It
is said that she became a teacher from motives of benevolence, or
rather philanthropy, and during the time she continued in the
profession, she gave proof of superior qualification for the
performance of its arduous and important duties. Her friend and
coadjutor married and removed to Lisbon, in Portugal, where she
died
of a pulmonary disease; the symptoms of which were visible before
her
marriage. So true was Mary's attachment to her, that she entrusted
her school to the care of others, for the purpose of attending
Frances in her closing scene. She aided, as did Dr. Young, in
"Stealing Narcissa a grave." Her mind was expanded by this
residence in a foreign country, and though clear of religious
bigotry
before, she took some instructive lessons on the evils of
superstition, and intolerance.
On
her return she found the school had suffered by her absence, and
having previously decided to apply herself to literature, she now
resolved to commence. In 1787 she made, or received, proposals from
Johnson, a publisher in London, who was already acquainted with her
talents as an author. During the three subsequent years, she was
actively engaged, more in translating, condensing, and compiling,
than in the production of original works. At this time she laboured
under much depression of spirits, for the loss of her friend; this
rather increased, perhaps, by the publication of "Mary, a
novel," which was mostly composed of incidents and reflections
connected with their intimacy.
The
pecuniary concerns of her father becoming embarrassed, Mary
practised
a rigid economy in her expenditures, and with her savings was
enabled
to procure her sisters and brothers situations, to which without
her
aid, they could not have had access; her father was sustained at
length from her funds; she even found means to take under her
protection an orphan child.
She
had acquired a facility in the arrangement and expression of
thoughts, in her avocation of translator, and compiler, which was
no
doubt of great use to her afterward. It was not long until she had
occasion for them. The eminent Burke produced his celebrated
"Reflections on the Revolution in France." Mary full of
sentiments of liberty, and indignant at what she thought subversive
of it, seized her pen and produced the first attack upon that
famous
work. It succeeded well, for though intemperate and contemptuous,
it
was vehemently and impetuously eloquent; and though Burke was
beloved
by the enlightened friends of freedom, they were dissatisfied and
disgusted with what they deemed an outrage upon it.
It
is said that Mary, had not wanted confidence in her own powers
before, but the reception this work met from the public, gave her
an
opportunity of judging what those powers were, in the estimation of
others. It was shortly after this, that she commenced the work to
which these remarks are prefixed. What are its merits will be
decided
in the judgment of each reader; suffice it to say she appears to
have
stept forth boldly, and singly, in defence of that half of the
human
race, which by the usages of all society, whether savage or
civilized, have been kept from attaining their proper dignity—their
equal rank as rational beings. It would appear that the disguise
used
in placing on woman the silken fetters which bribed her into
endurance, and even love of slavery, but increased the opposition
of
our authoress: she would have had more patience with rude, brute
coercion, than with that imposing gallantry, which, while it
affects
to consider woman as the pride, and ornament of creation, degrades
her to a toy—an appendage—a cypher. The work was much
reprehended, and as might well be expected, found its greatest
enemies in the pretty soft creatures—the spoiled children of her
own sex. She accomplished it in six weeks.
In
1792 she removed to Paris, where she became acquainted with Gilbert
Imlay, of the United States. And from this acquaintance grew an
attachment, which brought the parties together, without legal
formalities, to which she objected on account of some family
embarrassments, in which he would thereby become involved. The
engagement was however considered by her of the most sacred nature,
and they formed the plan of emigrating to America, where they
should
be enabled to accomplish it. These were the days of Robespierrean
cruelty, and Imlay left Paris for Havre, whither after a time Mary
followed him. They continued to reside there, until he left Havre
for
London, under pretence of business, and with a promise of rejoining
her soon at Paris, which however he did not, but in 1795 sent for
her
to London. In the mean time she had become the mother of a female
child, whom she called Frances in commemoration of her early
friendship.
Before
she went to England, she had some gloomy forebodings that the
affections of Imlay, had waned, if they were not estranged from
her;
on her arrival, those forebodings were sorrowfully confirmed. His
attentions were too formal and constrained to pass unobserved by
her
penetration, and though he ascribed his manner, and his absence, to
business duties, she saw his affection for her was only something
to
be remembered. To use her own expression, "Love, dear delusion!
Rigorous reason has forced me to resign; and now my rational
prospects are blasted, just as I have learned to be contented with
rational enjoyments." To pretend to depict her misery at this
time would be futile; the best idea can be formed of it from the
fact
that she had planned her own destruction, from which Imlay
prevented
her. She conceived the idea of suicide a second time, and threw
herself into the Thames; she remained in the water, until
consciousness forsook her, but she was taken up and resuscitated.
After divers attempts to revive the affections of Imlay, with
sundry
explanations and professions on his part, through the lapse of two
years, she resolved finally to forgo all hope of reclaiming him,
and
endeavour to think of him no more in connexion with her future
prospects. In this she succeeded so well, that she afterwards had a
private interview with him, which did not produce any painful
emotions.
In
1796 she revived or improved an acquaintance which commenced years
before with Wm. Godwin, author of "Political Justice," and
other works of great notoriety. Though they had not been favourably
impressed with each other on their former acquaintance, they now
met
under circumstances which permitted a mutual and just appreciation
of
character. Their intimacy increased by regular and almost
imperceptible degrees. The partiality they conceived for each other
was, according to her biographer, "In the most refined style of
love. It grew with equal advances in the mind of each. It would
have
been impossible for the most minute observer to have said who was
before, or who after. One sex did not take the priority which long
established custom has awarded it, nor the other overstep that
delicacy which is so severely imposed. Neither party could assume
to
have been the agent or the patient, the toil-spreader or the prey
in
the affair. When in the course of things the disclosure came, there
was nothing in a manner for either to disclose to the
other."
Mary
lived but a few months after her marriage, and died in child-bed;
having given birth to a daughter who is now known to the literary
world as Mrs. Shelly, the widow of Percy Bysche Shelly.
We
can scarcely avoid regret that one of such splendid talents, and
high
toned feelings, should, after the former seemed to have been fully
developed, and the latter had found an object in whom they might
repose, after their eccentric and painful efforts to find a resting
place—that such an one should at such a time, be cut off from life
is something which we cannot contemplate without feeling regret; we
can scarcely repress the murmur that she had not been removed ere
clouds darkened her horizon, or that she had remained to witness
the
brightness and serenity which might have succeeded. But thus it is;
we may trace the cause to anti-social arrangements; it is not
individuals but society which must change it, and that not by
enactments, but by a change in public opinion.
The
authoress of the "Rights of Woman," was born April 1759,
died
September
1797.
That
there may be no doubt regarding the facts in this sketch, they are
taken from a memoir written by her afflicted husband. In addition
to
many kind things he has said of her, (he was not blinded to
imperfections in her character) is, that she was "Lovely in her
person, and in the best and most engaging sense feminine in her
manners."
TO
M.
TALLEYRAND PERIGORD,
LATE
BISHOP OF AUTUN.
Sir:—
Having
read with great pleasure a pamphlet, which you have lately
published,
on National Education, I dedicate this volume to you, the first
dedication that I have ever written, to induce you to read it with
attention; and, because I think that you will understand me, which
I
do not suppose many pert witlings will, who may ridicule the
arguments they are unable to answer. But, sir, I carry my respect
for
your understanding still farther: so far, that I am confident you
will not throw my work aside, and hastily conclude that I am in the
wrong because you did not view the subject in the same light
yourself. And pardon my frankness, but I must observe, that you
treated it in too cursory a manner, contented to consider it as it
had been considered formerly, when the rights of man, not to advert
to woman, were trampled on as chimerical. I call upon you,
therefore,
now to weigh what I have advanced respecting the rights of woman,
and
national education; and I call with the firm tone of humanity. For
my
arguments, sir, are dictated by a disinterested spirit: I plead for
my sex, not for myself. Independence I have long considered as the
grand blessing of life, the basis of every virtue; and independence
I
will ever secure by contracting my wants, though I were to live on
a
barren heath.
It
is, then, an affection for the whole human race that makes my pen
dart rapidly along to support what I believe to be the cause of
virtue: and the same motive leads me earnestly to wish to see woman
placed in a station in which she would advance, instead of
retarding,
the progress of those glorious principles that give a substance to
morality. My opinion, indeed, respecting the rights and duties of
woman, seems to flow so naturally from these simple principles,
that
I think it scarcely possible, but that some of the enlarged minds
who
formed your admirable constitution, will coincide with me.
In
France, there is undoubtedly a more general diffusion of knowledge
than in any part of the European world, and I attribute it, in a
great measure, to the social intercourse which has long subsisted
between the sexes. It is true, I utter my sentiments with freedom,
that in France the very essence of sensuality has been extracted to
regale the voluptuary, and a kind of sentimental lust has
prevailed,
which, together with the system of duplicity that the whole tenor
of
their political and civil government taught, have given a sinister
sort of sagacity to the French character, properly termed finesse;
and a polish of manners that injures the substance, by hunting
sincerity out of society. And, modesty, the fairest garb of virtue
has been more grossly insulted in France than even in England, till
their women have treated as PRUDISH that attention to decency which
brutes instinctively observe.
Manners
and morals are so nearly allied, that they have often been
confounded; but, though the former should only be the natural
reflection of the latter, yet, when various causes have produced
factitious and corrupt manners, which are very early caught,
morality
becomes an empty name. The personal reserve, and sacred respect for
cleanliness and delicacy in domestic life, which French women
almost
despise, are the graceful pillars of modesty; but, far from
despising
them, if the pure flame of patriotism have reached their bosoms,
they
should labour to improve the morals of their fellow-citizens, by
teaching men, not only to respect modesty in women, but to acquire
it
themselves, as the only way to merit their esteem.
Contending
for the rights of women, my main argument is built on this simple
principle, that if she be not prepared by education to become the
companion of man, she will stop the progress of knowledge, for
truth
must be common to all, or it will be inefficacious with respect to
its influence on general practice. And how can woman be expected to
co-operate, unless she know why she ought to be virtuous? Unless
freedom strengthen her reason till she comprehend her duty, and see
in what manner it is connected with her real good? If children are
to
be educated to understand the true principle of patriotism, their
mother must be a patriot; and the love of mankind, from which an
orderly train of virtues spring, can only be produced by
considering
the moral and civil interest of mankind; but the education and
situation of woman, at present, shuts her out from such
investigations.
In
this work I have produced many arguments, which to me were
conclusive, to prove, that the prevailing notion respecting a
sexual
character was subversive of morality, and I have contended, that to
render the human body and mind more perfect, chastity must more
universally prevail, and that chastity will never be respected in
the
male world till the person of a woman is not, as it were, idolized
when little virtue or sense embellish it with the grand traces of
mental beauty, or the interesting simplicity of affection.
Consider,
Sir, dispassionately, these observations, for a glimpse of this
truth
seemed to open before you when you observed, "that to see one
half of the human race excluded by the other from all participation
of government, was a political phenomenon that, according to
abstract
principles, it was impossible to explain." If so, on what does
your constitution rest? If the abstract rights of man will bear
discussion and explanation, those of woman, by a parity of
reasoning,
will not shrink from the same test: though a different opinion
prevails in this country, built on the very arguments which you use
to justify the oppression of woman, prescription.
Consider,
I address you as a legislator, whether, when men contend for their
freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves, respecting
their
own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjust to subjugate
women,
even though you firmly believe that you are acting in the manner
best
calculated to promote their happiness? Who made man the exclusive
judge, if woman partake with him the gift of reason?
In
this style, argue tyrants of every denomination from the weak king
to
the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crush reason;
yet
always assert that they usurp its throne only to be useful. Do you
not act a similar part, when you FORCE all women, by denying them
civil and political rights, to remain immured in their families
groping in the dark? For surely, sir, you will not assert, that a
duty can be binding which is not founded on reason? If, indeed,
this
be their destination, arguments may be drawn from reason; and thus
augustly supported, the more understanding women acquire, the more
they will be attached to their duty, comprehending it, for unless
they comprehend it, unless their morals be fixed on the same
immutable principles as those of man, no authority can make them
discharge it in a virtuous manner. They may be convenient slaves,
but
slavery will have its constant effect, degrading the master and the
abject dependent.
But,
if women are to be excluded, without having a voice, from a
participation of the natural rights of mankind, prove first, to
ward
off the charge of injustice and inconsistency, that they want
reason,
else this flaw in your NEW CONSTITUTION, the first constitution
founded on reason, will ever show that man must, in some shape, act
like a tyrant, and tyranny, in whatever part of society it rears
its
brazen front, will ever undermine morality.
I
have repeatedly asserted, and produced what appeared to me
irrefragable arguments drawn from matters of fact, to prove my
assertion, that women cannot, by force, be confined to domestic
concerns; for they will however ignorant, intermeddle with more
weighty affairs, neglecting private duties only to disturb, by
cunning tricks, the orderly plans of reason which rise above their
comprehension.
Besides,
whilst they are only made to acquire personal accomplishments, men
will seek for pleasure in variety, and faithless husbands will make
faithless wives; such ignorant beings, indeed, will be very
excusable
when, not taught to respect public good, nor allowed any civil
right,
they attempt to do themselves justice by retaliation.
The
box of mischief thus opened in society, what is to preserve private
virtue, the only security of public freedom and universal
happiness?
Let
there be then no coercion ESTABLISHED in society, and the common
law
of gravity prevailing, the sexes will fall into their proper
places.
And, now that more equitable laws are forming your citizens,
marriage
may become more sacred; your young men may choose wives from
motives
of affection, and your maidens allow love to root out
vanity.
The
father of a family will not then weaken his constitution and debase
his sentiments, by visiting the harlot, nor forget, in obeying the
call of appetite, the purpose for which it was implanted; and the
mother will not neglect her children to practise the arts of
coquetry, when sense and modesty secure her the friendship of her
husband.
But,
till men become attentive to the duty of a father, it is vain to
expect women to spend that time in their nursery which they, "wise
in their generation," choose to spend at their glass; for this
exertion of cunning is only an instinct of nature to enable them to
obtain indirectly a little of that power of which they are unjustly
denied a share; for, if women are not permitted to enjoy legitimate
rights, they will render both men and themselves vicious, to obtain
illicit privileges.
I
wish, sir, to set some investigations of this kind afloat in
France;
and should they lead to a confirmation of my principles, when your
constitution is revised, the rights of woman may be respected, if
it
be fully proved that reason calls for this respect, and loudly
demands JUSTICE for one half of the human race.
I
am, sir,
Yours
respectfully,
M.
W.